The state of the welfare state: German social policy between macroeconomic retrenchment and microeconomic recalibration

Multiparty Government: The Politics of Coalition in Europe. By Michael Laver and Norman Schofield. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990. Pp. vii + 308. 32 figures, 26 tables. £35. ISBN 0–19–827292–8.

Minority Government and Majority Rule. By Kaare Strom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Pp. vii + 293. £25. ISBN 0521–37431–6.

Small Parties in Western Europe. Edited by Ferdinand Müller‐Rommel and Geoffrey Pridham. London: Sage Publications, 1991. Pp.240. £28.50. ISBN 0–8039–8261–5.

Legislatures. Oxford Readings in Politics and Government Series. Edited by Philip Norton. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Pp. ix + 336. £27.50 (hardback); £8.95 (paperback). ISBN 0–19–827582‐X and 827581–1.

Advances in the Spatial Theory of Voting. By Jamese Enelow and Melvin J. Hinich. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. £27.50. ISBN 0–521–35284–3.

Political and Economic Encyclopaedia of Western Europe. Edited by Frances Nicholson. Longman Current Affairs, Harlow, 1990. Pp. 411. ISBN 0–582–06848–7.

World Guide to Environmental Issues and Organizations. Edited by Peter Brackley. Longman Current Affairs, Harlow, 1990. Pp.386. £75. ISBN 0–582–06270–5.

Portugal: O Sistema Político e Constitutional 1974–1987. Edited by Mario Baptista Coelho. Lisbon: Instituto de Ciéncias Sociais 1989. Pp. 1044. £15.

The Regions and European Integration. Edited by R. Leonardi and R.Y. Nanetti. London: PinterPublishers 1991. Pp. vi+200. £27.50 (hardback). ISBN0–86187–149–9.

Extremismus und Demokratie. Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse, Bonn, Bouvier Verlag, 1990. Pp.vi + 472; 13 tables, 10 documents. DM38 (hardback). ISBN 3–416–02255–6.

Political Loyalty and Public Service in West Germany: The 1972 Decree against Radicals and its Consequences. Gerard Braunthal, Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press, 1990. Pp.xvi + 249, £18.40 (hardback). ISBN 0–87023–707–1.

Britain's Future in Europe. By Michael Franklin with Marc Wilkie. London: RIIA/Pinter, 1990. Pp.viii + 133. £19.50 (hardback); £7.95 (paperback). ISBN 0–86187–046–8 and 047–6.

European Competition Policy. Edited by Peter Montagnon. London: RIIA/ Pinter, 1990. Pp. vii + 135. £19.50 (hardback); £7.95 (paperback). ISBN 0–86187–885‐X.

The Technical Challenges and Opportunities of a United Europe. Edited by Michael Steinberg. London: Pinter, 1990. Pp.195. £30 (hardback). ISBN 0–86187–344–2.

Public Policy in Northern Ireland: Adoption or Adaptation? Edited by M. E. H. Connolly and S. Loughlin. Policy Research Institute, 1990. Pp.335. ISBN 1–870654–10–2.

Interpreting Northern Ireland. By John Whyte. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. Pp.xii + 308. £35. ISBN 0–19–827848–9.

The Future of Northern Ireland. Edited by John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. Pp.xx + 376. £40. ISBN 0–19–827329–0.     

West European welfare states: The old politics of retrenchment

Abstract Analysing endeavours to restructure welfare provision, Paul Pierson proposes that the 'politics of retrenchment' is very different from the politics of welfare expansion. In particular, the difficulties of welfare retrenchment are not to be explained by existing theories of welfare expansion; and the 'old' politics of welfare expansion has little to offer in explaining the 'new' politics of welfare retrenchment. This article questions these claims. First, contemporary societal developments are considered in the light of three major theories advanced to explain the emergence of welfare states in Western Europe: the logic–of–industrialism, the crisis of capitalism, and nation–building. Secondly, focusing on trade unions, mainstream left parties, and traditions of governance, the current status of the political forces regarded as vital in building welfare states is assessed. The conclusion drawn is that the resilience of the welfare state in Western Europe lies less in the 'new' politics of 'policy lock in' and 'client interest groups' than in the persistence of the 'old' forces that led to the founding and expansion of welfare states.     

West European welfare states: The old politics of retrenchment

Analysing endeavours to restructure welfare provision, Paul Pierson proposes that the 'politics of retrenchment' is very different from the politics of welfare expansion. In particular, the difficulties of welfare retrenchment are not to be explained by existing theories of welfare expansion; and the 'old' politics of welfare expansion has little to offer in explaining the 'new' politics of welfare retrenchment. This article questions these claims. First, contemporary societal developments are considered in the light of three major theories advanced to explain the emergence of welfare states in Western Europe: the logic–of–industrialism, the crisis of capitalism, and nation–building. Secondly, focusing on trade unions, mainstream left parties, and traditions of governance, the current status of the political forces regarded as vital in building welfare states is assessed. The conclusion drawn is that the resilience of the welfare state in Western Europe lies less in the 'new' politics of 'policy lock in' and 'client interest groups' than in the persistence of the 'old' forces that led to the founding and expansion of welfare states.     

The correlates of consensus democracy and the puzzle of Dutch politics

In much of the comparative literature, and in the work of Arend Lijphart in particular, the Netherlands often emerges as a ‘special case’ of accom‐modationist politics, a picture which is confirmed not only in terms of Lijphart's distinction between majoritarian and consensus democracy, but is also the case when more policy‐based indicators are considered. This is somewhat puzzling, since, in comparative terms at least, the Dutch case is now no longer especially marked by the sorts of features which are generally believed to promote a more consensual style in politics. This puzzle is partly solved, however, by a more updated analysis of the comparative data, which reveals that the Netherlands no longer actually leads the field in terms of consensualism, but has since been surpassed by several other countries. In fact, the more recent evidence now suggests that neither the conditions nor the practice of consensual politics are much in evidence in the Netherlands.     

The Danish welfare state under bourgeois reign

From 1982 to 1993, a decade of tight economic constraints, the Danish welfare state was governed by bourgeois parties. The expectation of the power resources model, the most prevalent theory about the Scandinavian welfare states, was that the Danish welfare state would be turned further in a residual direction. Those expectations were, however, never fulfilled – on the contrary, the Danish welfare state was further expanded in a social democratic direction. A focus on how the bourgeois governments, often in a difficult parliamentary situation, tried to adapt the popular Danish welfare state to less favorable economic conditions accounts for important aspects of this development. The bourgeois governments relied on a combination of increased benefits to large groups of voters and well-hidden measures to strengthen public finances.     

The welfare state,migration, and voting rights

This paper proposes a political economic analysis of public opinion in European Union countries toward migrants from poor countries. By focusing on redistributive policy, the analysis sheds light on specific determinants of public opinion. The theoretical analysis, based on the median voter framework, shows that one of the key variables affecting public opinion is the voting rights of migrants. Where migrants do not have the right to vote, their presence negatively impacts the poorest natives. In countries where migrants enjoy voting rights, they are able to vote on redistributive policy; therefore, the impact of migration on natives’ welfare is fundamentally different. After the theoretical analysis, the paper proposes an empirical analysis of Europeans’ attitudes toward non-Western migrants in European Union countries. This empirical analysis confirms the decisive impact of migrants’ voting rights. It shows that, in EU countries, the more educated natives are significantly less favorable to migrants from poor countries when the latter have the right to vote.     

Electoral competition and the welfare state

The article investigates how parties compete over the welfare state by emphasising specific welfare state issues. The core argument is that two issue-specific factors determine how much parties emphasise individual welfare state issues: the character of policy problems related to the policy issues and the type of social risks involved. To test the argument, a new large-N dataset is employed, with election manifestos from Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The dataset contains information on how much parties have talked about health care, education, and labour market protection in national elections since 1980. With the data at hand, it is possible to provide the first systematic investigation of how parties compete for votes over the welfare state. The approach here is able to explain the empirical fact that health care is consistently receiving increased attention everywhere, while particularly labour market protection has witnessed a decline in attention.     

Moral atrophy in the welfare state

The welfare state is often accused of being counterproductive: as the scope of public responsibility expands, private morality (especially altruism and benevolence) atrophies. This essay surveys psychological findings for evidence, which turns out to be broadly consistent with either of two models of moral development, each bearing distinct policy implications. The model of morally keeping in practice that is implicit in the term moral atrophy suggests the need for frequent opportunities to exercise moral skills, which would seem inconsistent with the welfare state. Alternatively, the model of moral character-building favoured by both philosophers and ordinary discourse would require only occasional reminders of one's moral principles. On this model, benevolence could usefully supplement the welfare state.     

A theory of predatory welfare state and citizen welfare: the French case

Public Choice - In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the...     

The globalized, generous welfare state: Possibility or oxymoron?

Abstract. Arguments about the incompatibility of globalization and generous welfare spending have given way to more nuanced analyses of how domestic-level institutions mediate the impact of globalization. This article discusses and compares two models – the labour-partisan politics model and the labour-monetary politics model – that identify national-level institutions that are said to make it possible for states to combine generous welfare spending and good economic performance. The empirical analysis shows that the labour-monetary politics model performs better for the period 1973–1989. However, institutional conditions that existed during these years are shown to be rather poor predictors of economic performance in the 1990s. The article goes on to discuss what this suggests for the continued viability of generous welfare spending and argues that while globalization might undermine some institutional settings conducive to continued generosity, there is evidence that other ones remain viable.     

The budgetary implications of welfare reform: Lessons from four state initiatives

Required work and training, a major component of recent “welfare reform” proposals, is intended to increase the self-sufficiency of welfare recipients and thereby produce savings for government treasuries as well as more income for the recipients themselves. This analysis focuses explicitly on the budgetary effects of such activities, estimating the cost savings and new revenues generated by welfare employment programs started in four states since 1981. It suggests that when a broad range of effects are taken into account over a sufficiently long period, the overall budgetary implications of the programs are usually positive at the federal, state, and local levels of government. The costs and gains, however, are shared unevenly by the three levels, which encourages disparities in the programs states and localities choose to implement.     

Developing new measures of welfare state change and reform

Abstract. Since the publication of Gøsta Esping–Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Esping–Andersen 1990), which built its typologies on a rich database of detailed programme characteristics, it has been generally accepted that measures of social expenditure are an inferior, and even a misleading, source of information concerning the character of welfare state development. The problem is, however, that the kinds of detailed programme data Esping–Andersen used are not routinely available, while the quality of social expenditure data has been improving rapidly, culminating in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) now regularly updated and highly disaggregated Social Expenditure Database (SOCX). This article explores the possibility of using SOCX to devise measures of the extent, structure and trajectory of welfare state change and reform in 21 OECD countries over the period 1984 to 1997. On the basis of these measures, it suggests that there has been almost no sign of systematic welfare retrenchment in recent years and only limited evidence of major structural transformation or programmatic reorientation.