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Viktoria Kaina 《West European politics》2013,36(2):282-295
The institutional approach to generalised trust creation is based on the assumption that only institutions with certain features give people reason to trust strangers. This article offers a revised version of this approach by arguing that there is an indirect rather than a direct link between the properties of institutions and trust among strangers. Referring to a neo-institutional idea of institutions, it is suggested that the potential of institutions for enabling people to trust strangers rests on institutions' power to structure individual action. The endurance and efficacy of institutions rather than their normative principles give us significant clues that our anonymous fellow citizens think about institutions as we do and accordingly feel committed to the rules of action. This, in turn, provides good reasons to believe that most of them will behave in an ‘appropriate’ manner so that we can trust them even if they are strangers. 相似文献
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Bill Beamish 《West European politics》2013,36(3):271-276
Changes in centre‐periphery relations, both institutional (most notably decentralisation) and socio‐economic (the growing importance of cities) have radically altered the environment in which French political parties operate. The unprecedentedly close links between parties and the local political system that have resulted have profoundly affected power structures within the parties. Just as the Fifth Republic ‘presidentialised’ parties, so decentralisation has ‘localised’ them. The case of the Rassemblement pour la République, the inheritor to the top‐down, presidentialist tradition of Gaullism, is a remarkable illustration of this transformation. 相似文献
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Peter Kien-hong Yu 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》1998,4(1):19-31
From the late 1940’s to the late 1980’s, the political system in Taiwan can be best characterized as one-party system, with
the Kuomintang (KMT) as the dominant ruling party. In the November 1997 local election, the KMT was defeated by the opposition
party, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), for the first time. The DPP not only gained more county and city posts at the provincial
level but also grabbed more votes than the ruling party, resulting in a new political order.
At the local level, a two-party system has emerged. The general population prefers a cleaner and more efficient government.
Many voters in the November 1997 election voted for the candidates—not the party—of their choice. Unless the KMT can welcome
back the New Party (NP), its ruling party status at the national (as opposed to central) level may be called into serious
question. Before the legislative election of December 1998 and the direct, presidential election of March 2000, it seems that
the KMT will try to co-opt members of the NP.
There could be tension between the central and local governments in Taiwan on many issues in the foreseeable future, such
as whether or not the Republic of China (ROC) flag should be hoisted in schools and how much financial support the local governments
can get from the central government. It is highly doubtful that the DPP can grab the presidency in the year 2000. Most voters
are not ready for such a new order at the presidential or central (as opposed to national) level. 相似文献
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《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2013,24(3):19-26
In CNS 10, Barney Dickson analyzed the first Party Congress of Holland's Green Left. The present account of Green Left and their rivals The Greens by Gerrit Voerman (who directs the Documentation Center on the Dutch Political Parties at the University of Gronngen) deals with the origins and development of the green political movement in the Netherlands, and the respective roles of Green Left and The Greens, focusing on the alliances that make up the former and the related weakness of the latter. 相似文献