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JENS RYDGREN 《European Journal of Political Research》2005,44(3):413-437
Abstract. This article presents a new model for explaining the emergence of the party family of extreme right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. As the old master frame of the extreme right was rendered impotent by the outcome of the Second World War, it took the innovation of a new, potent master frame before the extreme right was able to break electoral marginalization. Such a master frame – combining ethnonationalist xenophobia, based on the doctrine of ethnopluralism, with anti-political-establishment populism – evolved in the 1970s, and was made known as a successful frame in connection with the electoral breakthrough of the French Front National in 1984. This event started a process of cross-national diffusion, where embryonic extreme right-wing groups and networks elsewhere adopted the new frame. Hence, the emergence of similar parties, clustered in time (i.e., the birth of a new party family) had less to do with structural factors influencing different political systems in similar ways as with cross-national diffusion of frames. The innovation and diffusion of the new master frame was a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the emergence of extreme right-wing populist parties. In order to complete the model, a short list of different political opportunity structures is added. 相似文献
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基层党员民主生活会制度是我们党在长期的革命和建设中形成的一项重要组织制度,是不断加强和改进党的建设的重要制度保障。基层党员民主生活会是提高基层党组织先进性建设,发挥普通党员先进性作用,实现和保障普通党员权利的基石。本文从基层党员民主生活会的现状分析入手,强调要通过开好基层党员民主生活会,保障党员各项权利的充分行使,从而更好的调动广大基层党员的积极性和创造性,使我党的先进性得到更广泛的发挥。 相似文献
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党在执政条件下更需要加强党的建设,党的思想作风建设、工作作风建设和生活作风建设的重要内容之一是树立社会主义的利益观,党员干部要确立共产党人没有自身的特殊利益的理念、确立义在利先、舍利取义的理念、确立制度安排、政策制定及执政实践中切实贯彻社会主义利益观的理念。 相似文献
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试论党员主体的权利保障制度 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
谢倩 《云南行政学院学报》2004,(5):21-23
党员是党的主体。党员主体积极性的充分发挥,有赖于党员主体权利保障制度的健全。从党的整个历史来看,党员主体的权利能否得到保障,是一个不应被忽视的问题。为此,必须高度重视建立和完善保障党员主体的相关制度。 相似文献
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保障党员权利具有重大的现实意义,但由于相应的程序机制不健全,使党员权利没有得到充分地行使,因此,我们要进一步建立健全保障党员权利的程序机制。 相似文献
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Attitudinal dispositions to vote for a 'new' extreme right-wing party: The case of 'Vlaams Blok' 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Abstract. The Vlaams Blok , a 'new' extreme right-wing party, grew substantially during the 1980s in the Flemish part of Belgium. Two alternative hypotheses about the motivation and attitudes of voters for extreme right-wing parties are examined. Is the voters' choice for such a political party inspired by substantive considerations about the programme of the party (the 'rational choice' model), or is right-wing voting mainly an expression of protest? The Flemish part of the Voters' Study relating to the 1991 General Election contains useful data for answering these questions. The likelihood of voting for the Vlaams Blok , as a function of thirteen relevant attitudinal variables, is analysed by means of logistic regression. Voting for the Vlaams Blok is determined by a negative attitude towards immigrants. Nationalist attitudes and feelings of social isolation seem to have a partial and moderate additional impact. In addition, there is some evidence that a vote for the Vlaams Blok should also be seen as a protest vote by some of the voters. 相似文献
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Patrick Hayden 《Human Rights Review》2004,6(1):35-55
Conclusion The explicit articulation of a cosmopolitan conception of human security and a corresponding right to peace is a positive
development in global politics, inasmuch as it decenters the state in our understanding of the human community and delegitimizes
organized violence as the generally accepted means for the “continuation” of realist politics. I have argued that just war
theory, when defined in suitably narrow fashion, helps to contribute to our thinking on issues of human security in several
ways. First, it provides a stringent normative framework for a reasonable humanitarian justification of the resort to force.
Second, it enables us to conceptualize significant moral and legal constraints on war and thus on the powers of states to
wage war, thereby displacing the use of force from the statist paradigm of security. Third, it contributes to the delegitimation
of unjust wars, that is, military actions undertaken for any purposes other than human security. Fourth, insofar as it provides
a justificatory basis for the increasing demilitarization of society, it may influence the progressive and just pacification
of global politics.
As long as the types of human wrongs that present the gravest threats to human security continue to haunt the global community,
there remains a need to be able to respond effectively so as to protect the rights and well-being of individuals. This need
poses a genuine dilemma for humanitarian morality and politics, insofar as many of the military capabilities required to defend
and to aid vulnerable persons can also be the source of threats to human life and welfare. Yet the existence of this dilemma
need not lead us either to apathy or to cynicism. The nexus of human security, the right to peace, and just war theory offers
a resolution to the traditional security dilemma by challenging the realist rationale for aggressive militarism, and by supporting
the emergence of global security structures and processes guided by the humanitarian norms of just peace. *** DIRECT SUPPORT
*** A28BB021 00002 相似文献
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Using insights from theories on marital homogamy and political behaviour, this research examines the tendency of husbands and wives to vote for the same party family. It disentangles the extent to which similarity in party family preference can be explained by (1) partners choosing one another because of their shared socio-economic position and (2) partners influencing one another. For this purpose, we conducted probit regression models with instrumental variables using data from the 2000 and 2003 Dutch Family Survey. Using instrumental variables to analyze endogenous relationships, we found that Dutch partners tend to support parties belonging to the same party family (left, confessional or right). There is some support for the idea that similarity in preference for a leftist and confessional party is – at least partly – a by-product of ‘self-selection’, i.e. the preference for a partner who is similar in socio-economic characteristics to oneself. As regards rightist voting, there does not seem to be an effect of similarity in socio-economic characteristics. Similarity in preference for a rightist party rather seems to be uniquely the result of mutual influence. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):50-61
Led by William Pierce, a former officer in the National Socialist White People's Party, America's National Alliance has achieved particular notoriety as a result of Pierce's authoring of a genocidal political thriller called The Turner Diaries. Pierce argues, both in his fiction and elsewhere, for the recruitment of an elite that will one day lead to an armed struggle against The System. The argument of others on the extreme right in the United States, however, that only individuals or at most small cells can successfully overthrow the state represents a grave challenge to the Alliance's groupuscular logic. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):305-316
ABSTRACT Sommer examines the (re-)emergence of anti-capitalist and anti-globalization themes within the ideology and discourses of the German extreme right. He argues that it would be short-sighted to interpret this development simply as another opportunistic attempt by the extreme right to incorporate Zeitgeist issues into its political agenda in order to appeal to a broader spectrum of supporters. An analysis of the latest campaigns of the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD)—the most successful extreme-right party in recent years—as well as the activities of groups that exist within the larger German extreme-right milieu, the so-called freie Kameradschaften, reveals that the taking up of social questions as well as anti-capitalist and anti-globalization themes marks a deeper shift within the political agenda of the extreme right in Germany. However, the analysis shows that racist and antisemitic issues do not disappear with this shift, but are linked with and incorporated into anti-capitalist and anti-globalization discourses. 相似文献
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弱势群体子女教育权利的现状及制度完善 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
现实社会中,弱势群体子女受教育权利的现状,形势严峻,问题不少,危害不小。对弱势群体子女教育权利的关注,并在法律制度、法律体系上予以保障,不仅具有浓厚的人文精神,而且比任何物质的扶贫都有价值。而已有的政策和法律对弱势群体子女教育权利的保障明显不足,故需探求新的保护机制和方式。 相似文献
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It has long been established that changes in the electorate can have an impact on party systems, sometimes leading to the creation of new parties and the elimination of old ones. We contend, however, that changes in the party system may cause voters to reassess their party identification absent of any long-term change in the overall makeup or attitudes of the electorate. As a case in point, we demonstrate that changes in the Canadian party system in the late 1980s (specifically the advent of the right-wing Reform Party) led to a decline in party loyalty among supporters of the right-center Progressive Conservative Party. We discuss the implications of these findings for the study of party systems and partisan change. 相似文献
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学习型党组织与执政党的社会知识管理能力 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
创新性地提出社会知识管理能力的新概念,分析了学习型党组织与社会知识管理能力之间的关系,阐述了提高执政党的社会知识管理能力的必要性,结合深圳经验就如何提高党的社会知识管理能力提出了建议。 相似文献
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