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Yehezkel Dror 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1983,3(1):3-22
This article discusses some features of the politics of defense allocations in Western Europe as a case of budgeting under conditions of diminishing capacity to govern, coupled with harsher constraints on public expenditures. While defense allocations have a number of unique characteristics, nevertheless they share many common features with other budgeting problems. Therefore, this case may also serve to bring out some of the growing problematics of budgeting traditions and budgeting practices as a whole. 相似文献
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Abstract This study traces the evolution of right–wing extremism, conceptualized as latent electoral support for extreme right–wing parties (i.e., vote intention), in six Western European countries (i.e., Belgium, France, the Netherlands, West Germany, Denmark, and Italy) between 1984 and 1993. Employing a pooled time–series cross–sectional research design, the author examines the relative strength of three popular explanations of contemporary rightwing extremism: the impact of economic conditions (unemployment and inflation), social developments (immigration), and political trends (public's dissatisfaction with the political regime). Evidence is presented in support of the last two explanations. Rising levels of immigration and public dissatisfaction with the political regime significantly facilitate right–wing extremism. Contrary to the initial hypothesis however, results suggest that a declining national economy (unemployment in particular) diminishes the electoral appeal of extreme right–wing parties. 相似文献
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Political Behavior - Empirical evidence suggests that most parties in Western Europe do not take centrist policy positions, despite the centripetal force of the voter distribution. While most... 相似文献
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Chris Ansell 《管理》2000,13(2):279-291
Books Reviewed:
Unmasking Administrativem Evil . Guy B. Adams and Danny L. Balfour.
The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role . Terry L. Cooper.
Public Service and Democracy: Ethical Imperatives for the 21st Century . Louis C. Gawthrop.
Parliaments and Pressure Groups in Western Europe Philip Norton, ed.
It Takes a Nation: A New Agenda for Fighting Poverty Rebecca Blank.
The Quest for Responsibility: Accountability and Citizenship in Complex Organizations Mark Bovens
In Pursuit of Good Administration: Ministers, Civil Servants, andJudges Diana Wood-house. 相似文献
Unmasking Administrativem Evil . Guy B. Adams and Danny L. Balfour.
The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role . Terry L. Cooper.
Public Service and Democracy: Ethical Imperatives for the 21st Century . Louis C. Gawthrop.
Parliaments and Pressure Groups in Western Europe Philip Norton, ed.
It Takes a Nation: A New Agenda for Fighting Poverty Rebecca Blank.
The Quest for Responsibility: Accountability and Citizenship in Complex Organizations Mark Bovens
In Pursuit of Good Administration: Ministers, Civil Servants, andJudges Diana Wood-house. 相似文献
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Claire Annesley Isabelle Engeli Francesca Gains 《European Journal of Political Research》2015,54(3):525-542
This article investigates the factors that drive governments to pay attention to gender equality issues and place them upon executive agendas. In line with studies of the dynamics of issue attention, which demonstrate the importance of investigating variability in the attention policy makers give to issue demands across policy domains, this article argues that policy issues related to gender equality are multidimensional and patterns in executive attention vary across the different types of gender issues. Multidimensionality of gender equality issues reflects different dynamics in agenda‐setting as different issues invoke contrasting constellations of political representation, institutional friction and veto points. To investigate this variation, this article proposes a twofold distinction between class‐based and status‐based gender equality issues and assesses the validity of three sets of explanations for when gender issues succeed in reaching executive agendas: women in politics, party ideology and economic performance. Drawing on governmental attention datasets from the Comparative Agendas Project, a systematic comparative quantitative analysis of the determinants of gender equality issue attention in five Western European countries is conducted. The main findings confirm that the mechanisms through which different types of gender equality issues gain executive attention differ according to the kind of the gender equality demand. Costly class‐based gender equality issues are more likely to receive executive attention when the economy is performing well, when there is a strong presence of Social Democrats and when there is a high proportion of female MPs. In contrast, economic performance, party politics and women's parliamentary presence do not seem to exert any impact on status‐based issues. Instead, critical actors in the government seem to be the strongest driver for attention over this second type of gender equality issue. This study contributes a gendered dimension to the policy agendas scholarship, adding theoretical and empirical depth to the understanding of how non‐core issues secure their place on full governmental agendas. By focusing on how to secure governmental attention for gender equality issues, the article makes a major contribution to understanding the initial genesis of gender equality policies. 相似文献
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Paul Taggart 《West European politics》2013,36(1):34-51
This article addresses the electoral success of far right political parties in West European party systems and suggests that there is a new type of party ‐ the New Populist. Differentiating between neo‐fascism and the New Populism is instructive in two senses. First, it reveals that the current wave of comparative electoral success is more associated with the New Populism than neo‐fascism. Second, it demonstrates that there are certain parallels between the New Politics and the New Populism thereby suggesting that changes in the contemporary far right may well be telling indicators of changes in West European societies that are deeper set than a simple resurgence of racist and anti‐immigrant sentiment. 相似文献
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Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Marcel Lubbers Mérove Gijsberts & Peer Scheepers 《European Journal of Political Research》2002,41(3):345-378
Abstract. In this study we explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour in the countries of the European Union and Norway from a micro and macro perspective. Using a multidisciplinary multilevel approach, we take into account individual-level social background characteristics and public opinion alongside country characteristics and characteristics of extreme right-wing parties themselves. By making use of large-scale survey data (N = 49,801) together with country-level statistics and expert survey data, we are able to explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour from this multilevel perspective. Our results show that cross-national differences in support of extreme right-wing parties are particularly due to differences in public opinion on immigration and democracy, the number of non-Western residents in a country and, above all, to party characteristics of the extreme right-wing parties themselves. 相似文献
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Pia Knigge 《European Journal of Political Research》1998,34(6):249-279
This study traces the evolution of right–wing extremism, conceptualized as latent electoral support for extreme right–wing parties (i.e., vote intention), in six Western European countries (i.e., Belgium, France, the Netherlands, West Germany, Denmark, and Italy) between 1984 and 1993. Employing a pooled time–series cross–sectional research design, the author examines the relative strength of three popular explanations of contemporary rightwing extremism: the impact of economic conditions (unemployment and inflation), social developments (immigration), and political trends (public's dissatisfaction with the political regime). Evidence is presented in support of the last two explanations. Rising levels of immigration and public dissatisfaction with the political regime significantly facilitate right–wing extremism. Contrary to the initial hypothesis however, results suggest that a declining national economy (unemployment in particular) diminishes the electoral appeal of extreme right–wing parties. 相似文献
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Laurence Morel 《West European politics》2013,36(3):225-244
Referendums are occurring more frequently in Western Europe but it is often difficult to understand what their exact functions or possible drawbacks to the political systems are. Looking at party attitudes in the events leading to the decision to hold referendums can provide a good starting point. This was done systematically for most nationwide referendums held since 1975. The conclusion is a typology of party functions and dysfunctions of referendums making evident four major party concerns: internal cohesion, adoption of legislation, political power and legitimacy. 相似文献
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BRAD LOCKERBIE 《European Journal of Political Research》1993,23(3):281-293
Abstract. Using Euro-Barometers 20 and 21, this research examines the role of economic discontent in promoting disenchantment with democracy in Great Britain, France, West Germany, and Italy. Both cognitive and affective economic evaluations have a strong effect on one's level of political alienation. Those who believe the government will have a negative effect on the economy in the future and those who are angry over their government's management of the economy are likely to be dissatisfied with the way in which democracy is working in their country. After these economic evaluations the factors most closely related to alienation are support for the parties not in the governing coalition and post-materialist values. Even with these items included, however, economic evaluations continue to dominate the model of political alienation. 相似文献
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Labour market institutions in most European countries are caught mid-stream between flexibility and coordination. On the one hand, most countries fail to capture the positive externalities that may arise from the mutual interdependence of institutions and ground level labour market behaviour. Productive and commercial changes make it exceptionally difficult to create such coordination arrangements. At the same time, there has not been a widespread rejection of labour market institutions. This can be seen in the cautious and pragmatic manner with which most European countries approach the themes of flexibility and deregulation. The common pattern has been to mesh flexibility and regulation. Thus whilst institutions still matter their role should not be overstated. In many ways, a governance gap is emerging in the European labour market. 相似文献
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AbstractComparative political economy (CPE) has robustly examined the political and institutional determinants of income inequality. However, the study of wealth, which is more unequally distributed than income, has been largely understudied within CPE. Using new data from the World Income Database (WID), this article examines how economic, political and institutional dynamics shape wealth-to-income ratios within Western European and OECD countries. It is found that the political and institutional determinants that affect income inequality have no short- or long-run effects on the wealth-to-income ratio. Rather, the rise in wealth-to-income ratios is driven by rising housing prices, as well as price changes in other financial assets, not home ownership or national saving rates. The article concludes by examining how the changing dynamics of housing prices and wealth inequality will increasingly shape intergenerational – and associated class-based – political conflict in Western Europe. 相似文献