The political opportunity structure of the Dutch peace movement

This article analyses the political opportunity structure of the Dutch political system with respect to new social movements in general, and the Dutch peace movement in particular. It is shown that the prevailing strategy of the Dutch political system is one of integration, and that the dominant party on the left (the Social Democratic Party) went through a process of transformation which opened it up to the new challengers at precisely the moment when the cycle of protest of the new social movements took off. The consequences of the high degree of openness of the Dutch system are then documented on the basis of a detailed analysis of the alliance structure of the Dutch peace movement.     

Change and continuity in the Spanish labour movement

This article assesses the current state of the Spanish trade union movement. More specifically it examines the results of the 1978, 1980 and 1982 union elections and explores changes occurring within the Spanish working class. It seeks to explain the overall strength and combativity of the Spanish working class as measured by available sociological data and the political events of the past three years. It also analyses the current relationship between the major working‐class parties, the PCE and the PSOE, and the two major trade union federations, Workers’ Commissions (CCOO) and General Workers Union (UGT).     

Old and new politics: The Dutch peace movement and the traditional political organizations

Abstract. On the basis of data on the Dutch peace movement, we study the relationship between traditional organizations of political intermediation such as parties, unions and churches with a new social movement on the local level. After having argued for the relevance of the institutional context, the general structure of new social movements and the particular structure of the movement under consideration with regard to this relationship, we first present evidence confirming our claims that we are dealing with new social movement. Then we show that the relationships in question are quite elaborate confirming the hypothesis that political activity within traditional organizations and new social movements is to some extent cumulative. More generally, the results imply that the development of the peace movement and other new social movements in the Netherlands is not indicating a diminishing legitimacy of the Dutch political parties.     

The West European communist movement in the late twentieth century

This article evaluates the impact of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe on the West European communist movement. The state of the movement before 1989 is examined, followed by an analysis of the different trajectories of the parties after the revolutions and an assessment of their future prospects. It is argued that the momentous changes of 1989 have witnessed the passing of the West European communist tradition and that, while some communist parties live on, it is no longer fruitful to regard them and the ex‐communist parties as one ‘family’ or to study them under a common framework.     

When the streets begin to empty: The demobilisation of the British peace movement after 1983

This article examines the demobilisation of the British peace movement after the peak of its mass activities in the 1980s. The main argument of this study is that movements in decline manage ideological disorientation, internal disunity and mass defection in identifiable ways. In the case of the British peace movement, the closure of the movement's political opportunity structure and increased internal competition saw the movement retreat from mass protest on the streets to small scale disruptions at military bases. This allowed the movement's main institutional ally, the Labour Party, to withdraw its political support, thus ending the campaign.     

Media framing and social movement mobilization: German peace protest against INF missiles, the Gulf War, and NATO peace enforcement in Bosnia

Abstract. How does media framing of issues affect social movement mobilization? This relationship is examined in light of the striking variation in levels of German peace protest against INF missiles, the Gulf War and the NATO peace-keeping mission to Bosnia. I argue that this variation in mobilization capacity can be explained in part by the degree of congruence between media framing and movement framing of the issues involved. Congruence between the two framings facilitates movement mobilization, whereas divergence hinders it. I compare the relative congruence between movement framing and media framing in Die Tageszeitung and Der Spiegel coverage of the three issues. I also evaluate possible alternative or complementary explanations, including public opinion, 'normalization' and elite cues, and political opportunity structure.     

The political economy of the peace dividend

We develop a model of the peace dividend and use it to predict the fiscal consequences of a reduction in the demand for military spending. The model is based on the assumption that the political process responds to political demands and costs in a way that maximizes net political benefits. The predictions of our model on how a peace dividend will be allocated over nonmilitary spending, tax relief, and deficit reduction is tested against the experience of eight major wars in United States history.     

Building a liberal-local hybrid peace and state in Bougainville

Abstract

There has been an increasing attempt to theorise the emergence of a liberal-local hybrid approach to state-building, which recognises the coexistence and interaction of liberal and local socio-political institutions. There has not yet been a sustained attempt to understand what occurs when a liberal-local approach is adopted from the outset of a state-building operation. This article seeks to fill this gap by applying the literature to the state-building process in Bougainville, an autonomous region of Papua New Guinea.     

The European Council and The Council of the European Union: Shapers of a European Confederation

The European Council and the Council of the European Union playkey roles in the European Union. The European Council is largelyconcerned with system-steering, while the Council of the EUundertakes sectoral policymaking. What is common to these rolesis the balancing act carried out by both institutions. Bothhave to mediate the centripetal dynamics of integration, termedcooperative confederalism here, and the centrifugal dynamicswhich are found in the strongly entrenched territorial natureof power, centered on the member states. Using new institutionalistanalysis, the article illuminates different facets of the twoinstitutions1 functioning in mediating the two dynamics.     

Principles of the Ukrainian social welfare system in the context of European integration

At the stage of the development of a new social welfare system in Ukraine, it is important to investigate all possible models and develop recommendations for the implementation of the most effective ones. The relevance of this paper lies in the study of the legal framework that operates in Ukraine and the possibilities of its improvement and consolidation into a more specific regulation. The purpose of the research was to study the principles of the social welfare system in Ukraine and to study foreign practices of the social welfare system. Within the framework of this study, the existing systems and models of social welfare systems in different countries were analyzed. The study identifies the most positive examples of social welfare policy for implementation in the current legal framework to improve and enhance the quality of social services in Ukraine. The analyzed foreign practices helped to identify the most effective models of social security. It was concluded that with the successful redistribution of funds, the introduction of a system of audit and control of social assistance financing, as well as being guided by foreign experience, Ukraine will be able to build a social welfare system that would satisfy all of the existing social needs of citizens.     

Organizational interlocks between new social movements and traditional elites: the case of the West German peace movement

Abstract. This paper deals with the question of whether the concept of elites is a fruitful category for the analysis of new social movements. It is proposed that mobilizations of new social movements are to be understood as dynamic interaction processes between mass constituencies and movement entrepreneurs, mediated by organizational communication networks. Taking the case of the West German peace movement, it is shown that such leadership roles can be identified as parts of the movement's internal division of labour. Furthermore, it is shbwn that movement entrepreneurs of the peace movement are also linked to established elite sectors.     

The policy movement as a policy problem

The policy movement is unified by a common interest in the improvement of policy decisions through scientific inquiry. The movement is differentiated, however, because this common interest is highly ambiguous and subject to interpretation from different perspectives. This paper applies a policy sciences perspective to the movement's disappointments over the last few decades, and in particular, the failure to realize earlier aspirations for rational, objective analysis on the more important and controversial policy issues. The paper offers a definition and diagnosis of the underlying problem, and suggests what can be done about it as a matter of individual and collective choice.     

Walking a tightrope: democracy versus sovereignty in ASEAN's illiberal peace

Abstract

Since 1967, ASEAN has established intramural relations that forsake war as a means for resolving conflict. While this is a remarkable achievement for the region, it must be balanced against a concomitant hindrance of democratic reform. I argue in this paper that ASEAN's nascent security community must be seen as an ‘illiberal peace’. Underlying ASEAN's peaceful community are the same principles that support illiberalism in the region, namely sovereignty and non-interference. While sovereignty has historically been a cherished norm for developing countries, ASEAN lags behind other regions, particularly Latin America, in attempting to reconcile tensions between democratic norms and the respect for sovereignty. This tension is most evident in ASEAN's relations with Myanmar. Recent events indicate that ASEAN's non-interference norm may no longer be sacrosanct, but the association is a long way from shunning illiberal politics for the sake of democratic values.