Conflict and cohesion in the British labour party and French communist party

The article examines the differing organisational structures and political cultures which provide the bases for cohesion in the PCF and British Labour Party. It argues that the electoral decline of the two parties since the late 1960s, and the rise of new political forces to challenge their primacy on the Left, have generated growing internal conflict in each case. Despite the greater pressures towards unity in the PCF such conflicts have threatened the existing bases of cohesion in both parties. The article concludes by considering the possibilities of surmounting the current problems.     

The French communist party from 1958 to 1978: Crisis and endurance

Despite its constant preaching for collaboration with the socialists, the PCF has failed to pursue this line either during the events of 1968 or during the electoral campaign of 1977/78. This resulted in electoral defeats for both parties, in mutual recriminations and in internal crises. Unlike the PS, the PCF has always succeeded in overcoming its recurrent crises. This stability is due, in our opinion, to the enduring support the communists enjoy among the working class and other groups in French society, whose socio‐economic marginality and problems of identity are reflected in the PCF's ambiguous attitude to France's political system.     

The Cold War culture of the French and communist parties

This study is a comparative essay about the ‘Cold War culture’ of the two main communist parties of Western Europe, the French and the Italian, during the tense period of 1947–53. Both parties had a common Marxist ideology and used similar elements of propaganda: anti-imperialism, anti-capitalism, defence of ‘national independence’, defence of the Soviet Union, and the struggle for peace. However, while the French communist ideology was completely focused on the Soviet position, the Italians tried to maintain a limited autonomy for their parliamentary activity and their reactions to national issues. The reception and use of communist ideology and propaganda by some social categories of population, especially among the working classes, is then examined. The essay concludes with a reflexion on the notion of the ‘culture of war’ in France and Italy.     

中国共产党思想建设的经验及启示

中国共产党十分注重在思想上建党,这是党的优良传统,也是党能不断应对各种变化的政治优势。中国共产党自成立之初就十分重视党的思想建设工作,推进马克思主义中国化,不断加强理论创新,这是党带领人民取得社会主义建设辉煌成就的原因所在。中国特色社会主义建设的新时代已经到来,更应该加强党的思想建设,以此推动党的建设的伟大工程向纵深发展。     

浅析《共产党宣言》的当代启示

<共产党宣言>中包含着极其丰富的全球化思想,特别是经济全球化思想.认真学习和研究这些重要思想,对于科学认识当今全球化思潮、有效应对全球挑战以及积极推动全球化的历史进程具有重要的现实意义.旨在阐述<共产党宣言>中有关全球化的理论,并提出了一些应对全球化的措施.     

《共产党宣言》社会批判思想的现实启示

本文试图依据《共产党宣言》中的社会批判思想,辩证地分析资本主义在社会发展中的作用,思考在建设社会主义和谐社会的过程中怎样利用资本的积极性,防止其消极性,既能促进效率,又能利于公平,既能利用资本的能量,又能对其有效地控制。思考马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中对资本主义的深刻剖析,以及对后人的警示,利用资本之利,警惕资本之害,以利于改革开放和社会主义建设事业的顺利发展。     

The 2003 Russian Duma election and the decline in rural support for the communist party

The December 2003 Duma election was a landmark in Russian elections, marking a significant decline in electoral support for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). This article explains the decline of support for the KPRF in the December 2003 election. Our specific focus is on the decline in rural support for the KPRF. This particular aspect is important because rural voters constituted a large portion of the KPRF's support throughout the 1990s. Using data from two rounds of surveys in several Russian regions, the article demonstrates that by 2003 the KPRF failed to capitalize on the ‘misery of the market,’ that is, to capture support from the ‘losers and malcontents’ during market reform, suggesting that KPRF supporters dealigned themselves from the party.     

改革开放以来中国共产党党内监督的几个发展阶段

党内监督主要是指党为保证人民赋予的权力能规范化运行,依照党纪党法及国家的宪法和法律在党员之间、党组织之间、党员和党组织之间通过评价、揭露、纠偏等方式开展的民主的监察和督促活动。在开展党内监督的过程中,把各级领导机关和领导干部,特别是各级领导班子主要负责人作为监督的重点对象,是健全和完善党内监督机制的关键所在。     

Social movements and party systems: The French socialist party and new social movements

This article examines the apparent difficulty of various French ‘new social movements’ of the 1970s and 1980s to coalesce in the form of a ‘green’ or ‘new politics’ party. In addition to the nature of the French electoral system and dominant policy‐making apparatus, this article focuses upon relations between the Socialist Party and feminist and ecology movements. The major argument is that the Socialists, in their bid for hegemony among the left throughout the 1970s and 1980s, effectively undercut post‐material value‐oriented support for a ‘new politics’ party.     

Immigration and changes in the French party system

Abstract. This article explores the role of political, especially party, elites in the emergence of the politics of racism in France. It argues that these elites seem to have reacted more to the changing dynamics of the party system than to mass opinion in raising and exploiting the issues of race and immigration. The anti-immigrant feelings of the electorate were mobilised and provided with a political outlet by these changing dynamics. The electoral rise of the National Front and the decline of the Communist party have profoundly altered the dynamics of French electoral politics. Both of these phenomena are indirectly related to the immigration issue. The changing dynamics of the party system have in turn contributed significantly to the sustenance and development of immigration as an issue in French politics in the 1980s.     

中国共产党执政能力研究综述:现状、评价、前瞻

执政能力概念的提出是我们党不断进行理论创新和实践创新的最新成果,是执政党建设和执政党建设理论研究的重大命题和战略课题。中国共产党执政能力问题研究涉及诸多题域,就研究范围而言,主要有执政能力的定义、执政能力的内容、如何提高党的执政能力等等。文章就近年来学术界关于执政能力的研究成果进行了细致梳理和扼要评析,并对今后执政能力研究的重点问题发表了意见和建议,以期起到深化理性认识和拓展相关研究的作用。     

近代中国文化选择视阈下中国共产党的创立

中华民族与西方帝国主义冲突的客观环境是中国共产党文化选择的直接动力。近代中国的文化选择,学习西方是大主题,爱国主义是大线索,知识结构改变是大现象,学术转型是大趋势。中国传统文化中的进步因素,为中国共产党选择马克思主义作为自己的指导思想准备了文化前提。     

论中国共产党执政绩效目标的历史演进

中国共产党执政五十多年以来,“发展”的执政绩效目标经历了一个演进的过程。在这个过程中,“发展”目标虽然曾一度受到严重干扰,但最终得以重新确立并不断丰富、完善。这在很大程度上取决于我党对执政意识的正确体认。不断增强我党的执政意识,特别是以与时俱进的精神和品质,不断增强对执政党的执政合法性基础和执政党的执政功能的重要性及其深刻内涵的正确认识,是我党加强执政能力建设不可或缺的重要内容。     

Building party organisations and the relevance of past models: The communist and socialist parties in Spain and Portugal

This article explores the development of the party organisations of the communist and socialist parties in contemporary Spain and Portugal. An attempt is made to answer the question of whether these parties resemble the western European mass party model of organisation, which is characterised by the representation and integration of a particular segment of society within the organisational structure. From the contrasting western and southern European paths towards democracy, a hypothesis is generated contending that the limited opportunities and the lack of necessity diminish the likelihood for southern European working‐class parties to build mass organisations. The empirical findings, analysing the nature and size of individual membership, as well as the nature of the linkages between parties and trade unions, reveal that, with the possible exception of the Portuguese communists, the classic mass party is not reproduced in southern Europe. At the same time, however, the model of the party as a membership organisation apparently has not lost its legitimacy.     

Women in labour: The flapper vote and party system transformation in Britain

The impact of the enfranchisement of women under 30 upon the British party system is analyzed, especially the extent to which the Labour party at a crucial period in its rise to major party status was able to mobilize an uncommitted major segment of the electorate. The analysis seeks to supply an explanation missing from Butler and Stokes' finding of a sizable gender difference in class crossover voting among the interwar cohort. Both substantive and symbolic mobilization efforts are analyzed. Analysis of constituency electoral results for elections from the mid-1920s through the mid-1930s finds that the political crisis of 1931 undermined Labour's efforts to mobilize the female vote and appears in particular to have driven substantial numbers of working class women to vote for other parties, thereby weakening their support for Labour well into the postwar period. Labour's failure to mobilize young women meant that it was able to obtain major party status only when World War II experiences caused a substantial number of middle class men to swing to the party     

Factionalism, the French socialist party and the fifth Republic: An explanation of intra-party divisions

Abstract. This article traces the evolution of factions (the term preferred to that of 'fraction') within the French Socialist party (PS) from the early twentieth century until 1981, with special reference to the post-1971 PS as a party of opposition. It concentrates on the causes and structures of factions, as well as their location in relation to the wider political system and the degree of political space they were able to occupy within the party. It argues that factions were divided by personal rivalries (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic), ideological and party policy differences, party strategy, power rivalries within the organisation and different historical origins. Factions corresponded more or less to a series of ideal-types. These were the organisation faction, whose power stemmed from its position within the party organisation; the parallel faction, whose separate factional structures paralled official party ones, and the external faction, which attempted to transform external popularity into internal party strength. Four factions prevailed: Mitterrand, Mauroy, CERES and Rocard. Those headed by presidentiables enjoyed the most success, whereas the others gradually declined. The presidentialism of the French regime set the PS apart from its European counterparts.