MARKET WATCH

Outbound Rush Despite a deep downturn in the world economy, Chinese firms are beefing up efforts to head overseas. China's outbound direct investment (ODI) rose 1.1 percent year on year to $56.53 billion in 2009, the largest among developing countries, said a report jointly released by the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM), the National Bureau of Statistics and the Sate Administration of Foreign Exchange on September 5. This was the eighth consecutive year of growth.     

The floating Island: change of paradigm on the Taiwan question

China and Taiwan, as well as the US, have failed to adapt new practices in response to the paradigmatic changes in the sources and nature of the China–Taiwan conflict. Reflecting the tremendous political and social changes in Taiwan, China, and the world that have occurred during the past 10–15 years, the most prominent source of the China–Taiwan conflict has shifted from power to identity. This article discusses the change of social identity in Taiwan and the re‐emergence of nativistic nationalism in the PRC identity. The authors suggest that policymakers on all three sides could begin to re‐think the Taiwan issue by taking advantage of the ideas and methods pioneered by experts in the rapidly growing field of conflict analysis and resolution. In this article, the authors apply concepts related to identity used by practitioners in the field of conflict resolution to look at the deeper cultural issues of identity and suggest some more appropriate methods for intervention and resolution of this deeply rooted conflict.     

两岸政治定位的瓶颈

面对破解＂两岸政治定位＂这一难题,两岸学者都做出了努力。本文探讨双方已有的共识与分歧,并重点分析两个最受关注的方案———台湾学者张亚中的＂一中三宪论＂与大陆学者刘国深的＂球体理论＂。研究发现台湾学者始终坚持＂中华民国是主权国家＂的底线,而大陆学者则在如何面对＂中华民国＂问题上前进了一步。本文认为＂是否敢于突破底线＂与＂是否存在解决难题的意愿＂是两岸政治定位问题的两个瓶颈,希望两岸学者在现有基础上继续前进,不要后退,坦诚交流,共同建构两岸和平发展的理论框架,寻求更多更好的解决方案。     

美国民众涉台观点的Biprobit研究——基于美国人对华态度实证调研

自从台湾问题形成以来,美国历任总统都实行“双轨政策”,一方面承认“台湾是中国的一部分”,但又从没有放弃对“台独”的支持,如对台军售。了解美国民众涉台观点的形成和受到哪些因素的影响对我国制定相应的涉台政策有着重要意义。本文先后采用univariateprobit、bivari-ateprobit和seeminglyunrelatedbivariateprobit模型对美国民众在台湾省地位的认同和对台军售支持进行回归分析。分析结果显示美国民众对中国台湾省地位的认同显著地影响对台军售支持,认同“台湾是中国一部分”的美国民众在对台军售方面的支持也显著要高。这充分证实了美国是典型的现实主义者,他利用台湾问题来阻滞中国大陆的发展和海峡两岸的和平统一。     

政党纷争下台湾青年社会政治心态分析与思考

当代台湾青年的社会政治心态反映了台湾青年对处于裂变中的台湾社会的政治制度和政治生活的基本评价 ,其特征有明显的矛盾性。台湾青年矛盾的社会政治心态与政治转型期台湾特殊的社会政治背景相联系。台湾青年对台湾社会政治昌明的渴求和对台海和平的期盼 ,及台湾同胞的爱国主义传统 ,为争取实现和平统一提供了心理和思想基础。为此 ,我们必须加大对台政策宣传 ,努力促进台湾青年对祖国大陆的了解和信任。     

在台湾高校就读陆生社会适应性与满意度研究

在台陆生群体是伴随着两岸高等教育交流合作成长起来的新兴的、特殊的跨界流动群体.随着陆生在台学习时间的延长,对台湾的社会、经济、文化、教育等方面的感受也愈加深刻和丰富.整体而言,陆生群体是积极向上的.他们对大陆社会主义制度的认知也更趋理性和客观,对台湾政治体制更为包容,对台湾以社会管理制度为基础的软实力持肯定与欣赏的态度,也切身体会到两岸文化、教育和价值观等方面的差异.两岸的差异和特殊性既给陆生带来新鲜感,也在一定程度上对他们的社会适应造成困扰.     

论两岸在南海争端中的战略合作问题

在两岸关系和平发展进程中,南海问题是一个具有战略价值的议题.两岸是否需要和能否在当前激烈的南海争端中进行战略合作,需要进行全面的考察.马英九执政以来,台湾当局的南海政策重新回到了1994年的政策轨道,重申"中华民国"拥有南海主权,并有意推动两岸合作开发南海资源.但是,两岸的"南海合作"不得不面对内外因素的制约.两岸之间能否搁置争议、构筑互信和建立必要的沟通平台是必须考虑的内部制约因素,而制约两岸合作的外部因素则主要是美国的阻挠和南海周边国家的分化.总体看来,两岸在南海问题上谋求合作,符合两岸的根本利益,既有利于维持中国的海洋权益,也有利于推动两岸关系和平发展.     

中国民族汽车产业保护:失效成因及对策

尽管我国长期时汽车产业采取保护发展措施,但是目前跨国汽车公司掌握合资企业的实际控制权、本土汽车企业创新能力依然薄弱等事实说明,我国对汽车产业的保护未能取得应有成效.政府对国外汽车产品的进口控制不力、过早允许跨国汽车公司投资国内市场、长期对国内民营资本实行进入管制以及过度干预汽车企业的经营管理,是影响保护成效的主要原因.为此,有必要加强国有汽车企业改革,以本土企业竞争促进汽车产业自主发展.     

The Taiwan Problem in the Second George W. Bush Administration—US officials' views and their implications for US policy

The behavior of Taiwan leaders and people in 2003–2004 raised the salience of Taiwan's assertive movement toward permanent independence for US policy makers. No longer did US officials responsible for assessing cross-Strait relations and their implications for US policy take it for granted that such assertiveness and moves toward independence would be held in check by the mainstream opinion in Taiwan, previously but no longer viewed as pragmatic by US decision makers. In response to the new situation, US policy makers intervened in Taiwan politics, trying to channel Taiwan assertiveness along lines less likely to lead to war with China. US interventions were widely seen to have had a moderating effect on the Taiwan elite and public opinion in the lead-up to the December 2004 legislative election that resulted in a significant setback for President Chen Shui-bian's push toward greater independence. Taiwan's political opposition leaders pursued high-level contacts with China. Chinese leaders warmly welcomed the Taiwan opposition leaders who renounced Taiwan independence. However, Taiwan politics remained sharply divided over cross-Strait issues, with President Chen unwilling to renounce Taiwan independence or accept a version of the so-called one China principle seen by China as a prerequisite for improved relations with the Taiwan government. President Bush and other US officials encouraged both governments to show greater flexibility in order to promote dialogue that would reduce misunderstanding and ease tensions. The uncertain outlook for cross-Strait relations included the possibility of talks, improved relations, and agreements on managing cross-Strait tensions between the Taiwan and Chinese governments. On the other hand, the impasse between China and Taiwan could deepen. The Bush administration appeared to have settled on a policy that endeavored to deter China from using force against Taiwan and deter Taiwan from taking provocative steps toward independence. The main alternatives to this approach seemed less acceptable to US policy makers under prevailing conditions, suggesting that US policy is likely to persist with a dual deterrence policy for the rest of President Bush's term in office.     

“去中国化”的台湾中学历史教科书编纂

1987年“解严”后,台湾的历史研究逐渐渗入本土主体性问题。李、扁上台以后,开始有步骤地将其导入中学教育,并将台湾“本土主体意识”当做培养“台独意识”的工具,以台湾“教育部长”杜正胜提出的“同心圆理论”为依据,在1994年、2002年、2004年分别进行了“去中国化”的中学历史教育大变动。通过一系列压缩中国史、增大台湾史的教纲修汀,逐渐将中小学历史教科书中的“台湾史”与中国史分离开来,并将“台湾史”作为中小学历史教育内容的主体。这种隐匿着“台独”意洪的“青少年历史思想改造运动”,其最终目的是培养与形塑台湾青少年新的民族与国家认例。     

浅议我国大陆地区关联企业公司法规制之完善——与我国台湾地区关联企业立法之比较视角

虽然我国大陆地区《公司法》目前已做出新的修订,但通过与我国台湾地区关联企业立法的比较,发现大陆地区新修订相关立法中仍存在缺漏。针对于此,大陆地区公司法中应借鉴台湾地区立法体例单设“关联企业”专章,并明确界定关联企业,肯定关联企业法律地位及完善保护从属公司债权人和少数股东利益法律制度的立法建议。     

Securing Economic Relations Across the Taiwan Straits: New challenges and opportunities

Cross-Taiwan Straits economic interaction is a political as well as an economic issue. General trends of economic interdependence and globalization that are weakening the role of the nation state should promote a focus of shared 'civilian governance' between Taiwan and mainland China. WTO entry will provide opportunities as well as challenges for cross-Strait economic relations. In anticipation of this dynamic, the new government in Taiwan is attempting to design a new national security web to guarantee Taiwan's 'economic security' in coping with Taiwan's increasing economic dependence on mainland China. As one key agent of globalization, economic cooperation in the urban areas on both sides of the Taiwan Strait may potentially improve relations between Taiwan and mainland China. As decentralization and privatization on mainland China proceed, major cities have developed closer interaction and systems of accountability with the civil society. From a prudent perspective, developing functional cooperation between Taiwan and mainland China at the urban level could be a first substantial step to confidence building between these two economies.     

US‐China relations and the Taiwan factor

With the diplomatic warming of US‐China relations, the recent resumption of the Koo — Wang meeting and Taiwan's elections for legislators, mayors, and city councilors, cross‐Taiwan Strait relations are at another historical turning point. While the improvement of US‐China relations tends to relieve both sides from rhetoric exchanges of ‘China threat’ and ‘US‐Taiwan conspiracy’, Clinton's oral declaration of the ‘Three No's’ has raised serious concerns in Taiwan. With such a background, a group of experts and policy‐making participants from the US, Taiwan and Mainland China gathered again at a conference on ‘US‐China Relations and the Taiwan Factor’ in Washington, DC in mid‐October 1998. This was the second episode in a series of symposia on US‐China relations sponsored by the Association of Chinese Political Studies (ACPS). The symposium attempts to provide a free, intimate, and long‐term forum for a group of influential experts with different perspectives from the US, Taiwan and Mainland China. As a result, a deep understanding of common interests has been reached and clear differences have also been recognized through direct dialogue and frank exchange of ideas.     

关于中日间台湾地位问题的“1972年承诺”与中美日“三角关系”

本文聚焦中日间关于台湾问题的“1972年承诺”,对中日两国围绕台湾问题存在分歧的症结及解决前景进行了分析,认为日本一直不肯直接承认中国对台湾的主权,并经常在这个问题上制造摩擦（如邀请台湾政治敏感人物访日）,除了因为他们有些人无意认真遵守《开罗宣言》的规定之外,还因为他们不得不受美国台湾政策的影响以及他们固有的对台湾的战略思考所致。中日间关于台湾地位问题的“1972年承诺”就是鉴于日方这种法律、政治和战略考量,在中美日三国合作的背景下妥协的产物。笔者认为,随着中美日“三角关系”的趋于形成和中日“战略互惠关系”的建立,必将为中日间关于台湾问题的合理解决创造条件。     

愈是本土化就愈是中国化--论台湾本土化运动的真谛

近年来,台湾当局肆行“去中国化”的“本土化”政策,妄图从根本上割断台湾与祖国大陆的联系,从而达到“超越族群、血缘、语言、文化的局限,迈向一个新的国家共同体”的目的。针对台湾当局的倒行逆施,我们必须从历史、法理和人文精神等角度来审视台湾本土化运动,以揭穿台湾当局“本土化”政策的欺骗性,从而阐明台湾本土化运动的真谛即为“愈是本土化就愈是中国化”。     

浅析五十年来台湾民众"国家认同"的多元化走向

五十年来,在社会变迁等多种因素的作用下,台湾逐渐孕育出与祖国大陆格格不入的政治文化,民众简单朴素的中国认同出现混乱并形成多元化走向,这一过程是渐进的,是在国际环境、两岸关系及岛内多种因素的共同作用下形成的.     

张之洞“援外保台”思路演变及其与“台湾民主国”关系考论

乙未前后,张之洞主持南洋防务,多方设法,积极为抵制割台出谋划策,努力争取实现＂援外保台＂。张之洞及其亲信的反割台活动,引导并推动了台民反割台运动的兴起和发展,援外保台的路线和思路,也成为台民自主保台乃至成立＂台湾民主国＂的路线图。不过,深谙仕途之道的张之洞注意与清廷保持一致,这制约了他对台民的支持。尤其当台民成立＂台湾民主国＂,超出清廷所容许的界限,张之洞的表现十分矛盾,既想为台民掩饰,又不愿承担责任,最后为保其权位,主动放弃援台活动,未能为台民的反割台斗争作出更多的贡献。     

冷战后美国东亚霸权护持与台湾问题

本文基于霸权护持理论,用地缘政治学和安全困境理论对美国的对华外交,特别是对台政策进行分析和解读。台湾问题并不仅仅是两国三边的关系。美国是将台湾问题纳入到其整个区域霸权乃至全球霸权护持的总体框架来考虑的。从地缘政治学角度分析,台湾具有重要的、不能替代的地缘战略价值:从"安全困境"理论角度分析,美国认为,使台湾与中国大陆以及东亚国家问陷入军备竞赛和"安全困境"是阻遏中国发展、护持其东亚霸权的—个成本较低和较有效的方法。因此,从和平统一台湾的角度,冷战后美国在台湾问题上扮演的更多将是消极的角色,问题只在于不同时期程度高低不同而已。     

论涉台投资法律保护的现状、问题及其相关思考

自1988年以来,祖国大陆先后颁布了一系列涉台投资法律和法规,尤其是1994年全国人大常委会制定的《台胞投资保护法》和1999年国务院颁布的《台胞投资保护法实施细则》,在促进台胞直接投资、确保台商合法权益以及推动两岸经贸交流方面取得了积极而富有成效的成果。但随着时间的推移和现实情况的发展变化,这些法律和法规在实施过程中也暴露出一些亟待解决的问题,需要我们面对和审视,并提出健全和完善的合理化建议。     

解决台湾问题要有紧迫感

做好解决台湾问题的准备工作 ,早日解决台湾问题 ,对于顺利实现中国社会主义现代化 ,实现祖国完全统一 ,实现中华民族的伟大复兴 ,都具有重大的现实意义和深远的历史意义。根据海峡两岸和平统一谈判可以分步骤进行的设想 ,我们可以分阶段最终解决台湾问题 ,完成祖国统一大业。