共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
2.
China’s Interests in and Influence over the Middle East 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Niu Xinchun 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2014,(1):37-58
The Middle East became a critical region for China after 1993, when Beijing became a net oil importer. From this point, it became enmeshed in the complicated regional situation. And so China must realize its basic interests and policy objectives in the Middle East as well as set up an overall, balanced, clear and long-term strategic framework. Policy choices should be made in accordance with such factors as diplomatic tradition, national strength and political ideology. 相似文献
3.
China has set four goals in its national security strategy in the coming decade. These are focused on safeguarding 1) sovereignty, security and territorial integrity; 2) the socialist system and related core values; 3) development interests by sustaining the current period of strategic opportunity in avoidance of unnecessary distractions; and finally 4) regional and world peace. 相似文献
4.
Feng Yujun Hong Jianjun 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2008,18(4):25-50
The next 5-10 years will be a pivotal period in which China will implement its " 11 th Five-Year Plan" and accelerate its construction of " a moderately prosperous society." It will also be an important period for Russia's resurgence. Sino-Russian relations are therefore facing new challenges and will be steadily developing. Under these new circumstances, clearly defining China's national interests in Sino-Russian relations will be an important prerequisite of ensuring the healthy and stable development of bilateral relations and of safeguarding China's peace and security. For the foreseeable future, China's national interests in Sino- Russian relations will be the further consolidation of mutual trust between the two countries and increasing Sino-Russian security cooperation so as to maintain peace and security in China 's northern border areas. As the two countries are both in a phase of social transformation, they can nevertheless learn from each other throughout this process. China will continue promoting diversity of cultures and the multi-polarization of world. China should also exploit Sino-Russian economic cooperation and try to frame a joint strategy with Russia in order to achieve common development and prosperity. Consequently, the two countries will be able to march forward side by side along the path of economic reforms and structural adjustment." In the 21st Century, China and Russia not only need to maintain a good neighbor relationship and guarantee their joint security, but also build a closer cooperation in their common development. 相似文献
5.
ZhangYuyan 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2013,(6):76-79
Discussions of foreign strategy should begin with a clear understanding of core participants or competitors, the key objectives of involved parties, the means the players use to reach their goals, as well as the direction and intensity of their moves with a weather eye out for excluding direct conflict in the nuclear age. Today's most vital players are America and China, and currently others can act in roles in global and regional affairs that eater to or harm the interests of one of these two superpowers. 相似文献
6.
Tan Youzhi the 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2012,(2):97-109,130
This paper makes a systematic analysis of the effect of recent publicity films on China’s national image using Lasswell’s 1948 communication formula. It suggests strategies to make these a success from the perspectives of filmmaker, audience, content, form and mechanism. 相似文献
7.
LI Wenliang 《国际安全研究》2015,1(2)
In order to address the increasingly complicated and volatile securitysituation at home and abroad, the Central Committee of the Communist Party ofChina has put forward clear strategic requirements “to improve the national securitysystem” and taken as its general goal “to institute a centralized, unifi ed, effi cient andauthoritative national security system,” which gives full expression to the importantposition of a national security system in the work of national security. China’s nationalsecurity system refers to the sum total of the specifi c institutions and codes of conductfor the administration of national security and is aimed at providing institutional supportto ensure that China is a secure state and has the capacity to remain so. The division offunctions of national security, the administration system of state security organs, themanagement system of human resources for national security, the power-responsibilitymechanism and legal guarantees are the essential elements that constitute China’snational security system. We can clearly understand the characteristics of China’snational security system in different periods and trace its development by studying itshistory. Besides, we must be fully aware that such problems as insufficient researchinto the national security system, unclear division of the functions of national security,lack of strength in the building of state security organs, and a lag in the construction ofthe legal system concerning national security, inhibit the full functionality of China’snational security system. If these problems are not solved in a timely manner, Chinawill have diffi culty resolving the various challenges to its national security. Therefore,the most effective ways to improve China’s national security system are: to defi ne ina scientifi c and rational style the functions of China’s national security at the presentstage, give full rein to the powers of the National Security Committee of the CPCCentral Committee; and forge a high-quality national security force. 相似文献
8.
《Orbis》2022,66(2):249-269
The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is rapidly building a blue-water force structure, but little is known about how the service intends to use these new platforms in operations outside of East Asia. This article answers key questions about the future trajectory of the PLAN by examining the service’s strategy of “Far Sea Protection.” It argues that Far Seas Protection is predicated on two desires: (1) to strengthen China’s ability to protect the homeland from attack from the sea and (2) to safeguard the country’s expanding overseas interests. Ultimately, the PLAN intends to do so through the conduct of “far seas mobile operations” with aircraft carrier strike groups, amphibious assault ships, and nuclear-powered submarines. If conflict occurs before these platforms are available to the fleet, the PLAN would conduct asymmetric warfare east of the first island chain, using an approach described as “far seas sabotage guerilla operations.” 相似文献
9.
Wang Shan Fu Yu Fan Xiaoju Wang Shan is Deputy Director of Center for Marine Strategy Studies CICIR.Fu Yu is Assistant Researcher in Institute of World Political Studies CICIR. 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2010,(Z1)
The sea provides not only basic living conditions for human beings,but also serves as an important arena for international political games. Along with accelerating economic developments,political structural adjustments,and the world’s increasing demands on natural resources,rivalry at sea is reemerging as a focus of international attention,and competition appears to be intensifying. China’s territory is composed of both land and sea. It has not only thousands of miles of land borders,but also a very long se... 相似文献
10.
<正>It is pointed out for the first time at the 18thCPC National Congress on November 8,2012 thatpublic diplomacy and cultural exchanges should be pushed forward,signifying integration of public diplomacy into China’s national strategy.Over the past year,China’s public diplomacy has made remarkable progress in institution-building, 相似文献
11.
Li Xin Zhao Jinfu the 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2011,(6):8-20,4
After the partition of Sudan,uncertainties over China’s oil interests have surfaced.Nevertheless,deep-rooted ties and mutual economic interdependence between Sudan and S. Sudan offers favorable conditions for China to safeguard and further develop its oil interests in the region. 相似文献
12.
13.
《Orbis》2023,67(1):45-63
Recent US security policy failures in Afghanistan and Iraq reflect a flawed National Security Council (NSC) process and capacity to identify and prioritize security interests and goals. Failure to recognize and adjust NSC analytical procedures is particularly problematic given growing security challenges, disturbing trends in America, and the fragile state of our Republic. President Joe Biden’s long-awaited national security strategy fails to correct this and is predictably flawed in the same fundamental ways as past NSC efforts. The document voices broad, aspirational goals describing what the administration wants to achieve, but is very ambiguous on the fundamental purpose of a strategy, describing how their goals will be achieved. Specifically, the document’s lofty yet ambiguous language articulates more policy than strategy, reemphasizing a fundamental NSC misunderstanding of strategy. This disconnect has direct implications to successful implementation. Ambiguous goals mean defining intent and formulation of supporting objectives are left to departmental and interagency interpretation. This invariably assures poor implementation towards disparate ends, and recently in abject failure. 相似文献
14.
Zhen Bingxi 《中国国际问题研究》2010,(2):80-97
Developed countries in the West always attach great importance to protection of their overseas interests. Since the end of World War II, governments of these countries have been making unremitting efforts to protect the economic interests of their businesses and nationals in foreign countries and work to ensure their safety and security by establishing an international order in their favor and by every possible means - diplomatic, political, economic, legal and even military. To study and learn from experiences and lessons of Western powers is of great practical significance for China to develop and perfect relevant mechanisms and policies in protecting its own overseas interests. 相似文献
15.
Myanmar held its first national elections in two decades on November 7,2010.The incumbent government-supported Union Solidarity and Development Party (later re-named USDP) captured 77% of parliamentary... 相似文献
16.
Li Xiangyang 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2013,(3):61-64
China’s economy has soared to be world’s second largest, while its peaceful rise has been increasingly constrained by the global economic order. Regionally, directed by the U.S.’s rebalancing policy in Asia, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) is changing the direction of economic cooperation in Asia. 相似文献
17.
Gong Li 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2014,(4):72-75
The global order was set in place following the end of the Second World War by a consortium of western countries headed by the U.S..Since then,the major western countries have strived to maintain their long dominance in global politics and economics.With the rise of nationalist movements,former colonies gained their independence,and many developing countries joined the UN.In recent years,the economies of the emerging powers have grown rapidly,and they have also joined the WTO.These changes have affected the post-War international order dominated by the West.The West still has the advantage in terms of stocks,and developing countries have the advantage in terms of variables and increments. 相似文献
18.
Tan Youzhi 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2012,22(2):97-109
Broadway DebutA 60-second publicity video on China was broadcast on huge TV screens in New York's Times Square in January 2011. 相似文献
19.
20.
A number of significant events in 2008-2009, such as the Russia-Georgia conflict, the Beijing Olympics, the global financial crisis, the continuing threat of international terrorism and the worldwide spread of the H1N1 virus, may herald the close of the post-Cold War era. A new epoch is dawning, characterized by the collective rise of emerging powers and by increased global cooperation in response to the common concerns of the planet. America, Europe, Japan, Russia, India, Australia and other world powers are contemplating new strategic options to meet these changing circumstances. As a major driving force behind this phenomenon, China faces pressures for self-change and global change at the same time. It is obviously a task more formidable than that confronting the rest of the world. It requires China to redefine its role in the new era and make its strategic choices more rational and multi-directional in nature. 相似文献