The First World War Centenary in the UK: ‘A Truly National Commemoration’?

Abstract

Prime Minister David Cameron has called for ‘a truly national commemoration of the First World War’. This article shows this to be problematic, politicised and contested. This is in part due to the elision of English and British histories. Scottish, Welsh and Irish responses are noted, and the role and commemorations of ‘our friends in the Commonwealth’. There are tensions around interpretations of empire and race. There has been a failure to appreciate that the debates about the legacies of the First World War are deeply entangled with those of colonialism.     

近二十年来国内学界的东北抗联研究

中国共产党领导的东北抗日联军及其在东北地区开展的对日斗争活动是中国抗战力量的重要组成部分,也是中华民族抗击日本法西斯侵略的坚定意志的体现。长期以来,对于东北抗联的研究是中国学界有关抗战研究的重要课题之一。特别是近二十年以来,相关研究不断拓宽和深入,形成了多个研究较为集中的领域,在长期的研究过程中涌现出了一大批有价值的成果。这些研究成果充分佐证了中国共产党从组织策划,宣传动员到武装斗争等方面领导了东北抗日联军,从而为"中国共产党在抗日战争中发挥了中流砥柱作用"作了有力注脚;同时,东北抗联及广大爱国民众在抵抗日本侵略的斗争中逐步形成了全国抗日民族统一战线的雏形。     

Cultural Politics, Communal Resistance and Identity in Andean Irrigation Development

This article uses two case studies to illustrate how Andean irrigation development and management emerges from a hybrid mix of local community rules and the changing political forms and ideological forces of hegemonic states. Some indigenous water-control institutions are with us today because they were consonant with the extractive purposes of local elites and Inca, Spanish and post‐independence Republican states. These states often appropriated and standardised local water-management rules, rights and rituals in order to gain control over the surplus produced by these irrigation systems. However, as we show in the case of two communities in Ecuador and Peru, many of these same institutions are reappropriated and redirected by local communities to counteract both classic 'exclusion-oriented' and modern 'inclusion-oriented' water and identity politics. In this way, they resist subordination, discrimination and the control of local water management by rural elites or state actors.     

Europeanisation or De-Europeanisation? Media Freedom in Turkey (1999–2015)

Abstract

The European Union (EU) has successfully been exercising its transformative power through both its enlargement and its neighbourhood policies for decades. Nonetheless, transformation towards a more European model of governance through Europeanisation is not a linear process, but a differentiated one. Adverse consequences for Europeanisation (i.e. de-Europeanisation) have often been neglected. The case of media freedom in Turkey, with a deteriorating trend across time, exemplifies such an outcome. This article explores media freedom in Turkey in the last decade. It argues that media reforms have been reversed over time in a de-Europeanising trend, with the EU losing its position as a reference point for reforms.     

“战争罪犯”还是“民族英雄”——以日本战后恢复对军人和战犯的抚恤政策为视角

对军人军属进行抚恤是日本军国主义战争动员的重要内容,日本战败后曾经一度废除。《旧金山和约》签订后,日本政府很快恢复了对不包括战犯在内的复员军人的抚恤、救助工作。在日本遗族会等保守团体的推动和"战犯释放运动"的影响下,经过几次修改,至20世纪50年代中期,日本政府全面恢复了对包括战犯在内的军人军属抚恤工作。无论是刑死还是狱死的"战犯"均被视为因公死亡享受抚恤,战犯服刑期间仍被作为"在职期间"累积计算抚恤年金,服刑期间伤病者另可以享受"伤病抚恤",战争罪犯俨然成了日本的"民族英雄"享受优待。日本政府从立法层面恢复对战犯的抚恤,对日本社会的战争认识和战争记忆的重构产生深刻的影响,也成为此后甲级战犯被靖国神社合祀的社会意识的基础。     

“I’m awfully fed up with being a prisoner”* Australian POWs of the Turks and the Strain of Surrender

Nearly 200 Australians were captured and held as prisoners of war (POWs) by Ottoman Turkish forces during the First World War. They have largely been overlooked in Australian history and memory of the conflict with the result that little is known of their time in captivity or of its wider ramifications. In examining the emotional impact of their capture and imprisonment, this article offers intimate insights into how these Australian POWs felt about their captivity, from the moment of surrender until long after the war had ended. The humiliation of capture and confinement at the hands of a culturally, religiously and linguistically different enemy and the restrictions imposed by wartime imprisonment exacerbated the prisoners’ private feelings of shame and failure, feelings that were publicly reinforced in the aftermath of the war as the two dominant narratives of the conflict—the heroic Anzac fighter and the Turks as the honourable enemy—excluded or, at best, marginalised their experiences. Such analysis tells us much about the psychological dimension of wartime captivity, and adds to our understanding of the legacy of this POW experience.     

网络政治意识形态身份认同及其路径选择

网络政治意识形态身份认同是身份政治认同的组成部分,又具有自身的特性。网络政治意识形态身份认同包括两部分:网络主流政治意识形态身份认同和网络非主流政治意识形态身份认同。网络主流政治意识形态与非主流政治意识形态都存在着解构与重构、共识与断裂、信任与质疑的可能性与现实性,增加了网络政治意识形态身份认同的复杂性。网络政治意识形...     

武田泰淳的中国战争经历与战争反思

武田泰淳是日本现代文学史上著名的战后派作家,二战期间作为辎重兵参加了日军的侵华战争。武田泰淳根据自己的战争经历创作了多部战争题材小说,同时还写下了大量的战地纪行、日记和信札,在一定程度上揭露了日军侵华的暴行,并对侵华战争进行了较为深入的反思。通过研究武田泰淳的中国战争经历和战地作品,可以窥视以武田泰淳为代表的日本知识分子战争前后对华态度的转变以及对侵华战争的反思。     

Freedom of Expression in South Korea

South Korea is widely considered a consolidated democracy, but there is growing evidence that freedom of expression in South Korea has lagged behind that of comparable Asian countries and that it has deteriorated since 2008. Freedom House downgraded South Korea’s “freedom of the press” status from “free” to “partly free” in 2010 and other international reports also raised concerns on the status of freedom of expression in the country. We identify five problems that have contributed to the deterioration in South Korea’s rankings with respect to civil liberties: abuse of criminal defamation, the rules governing election campaigns, national security limitations on free speech, restrictions related to the internet and partisan use of state power to control the media. We close by considering possible explanations of the phenomenon, ranging from more distant cultural factors and the influence of the Japanese legal systems through the enduring impact of the Cold War. However, the main problems appear political. Governments on both the political right and left have placed limits on freedom of expression in order to contain political opposition, and constitutional, legal and political checks have proven insufficient to stop them.     

Divided we Fall: Division Within the National Partisans of Vidzeme and Latgale,Fall 1945

Heinrihs Strods has shown that Latvia's national partisans were defeated primarily because of the overwhelming military odds they faced, but he added a secondary cause–the lack of unity in their ranks. This article explores the causes of such disunity and suggests that Björn Felder is right to see a blurring of ideological divisions as the Second World War came to an end; however, even at the height of summer 1945 there were some signs of tension, and as the likelihood of foreign intervention waned, fundamental tactical disagreements developed, disagreements which reflected different political pasts and differing visions of Latvia's future.     

当前反恐战争的困境及其原因分析

战争是主权国家打击恐怖主义的主要措施之一.但由于反恐战争自身的内在矛盾及其负面后果的扩大,恐怖主义兼有传统安全威胁和非传统安全威胁的双重特点,个别国家在反恐战争的目标中加入了特殊的政治和经济诉求并奉行单边主义、实用主义的外交政策等多方面的原因,冷战结束以后特别是"9·11"事件爆发以来,由主权国家发动的几场反恐战争不仅未能有效遏制住恐怖主义泛滥的趋势,而且自身也已陷入了困境.     

国木田独步《爱弟通信》与历史的隐秘脉络

甲午战争是一场侵略战争,昔日的日本朝野上下却称作是文明对野蛮之战。即便是甲午战争后转为反战主义者的内村鉴三也受此鼓惑而于1894年9月3日《国民之友》发表《日清战争之义》一文,宣称日本是东洋进步主义的战士,中国是进步的大敌等。如此时代背景下,《爱弟通信》这一出自日本作家国木田独步之手的甲午战争见闻录便应运而生了。尽管随军记者独步笔下的内容并不能代表其本人的真实想法,当军国主义思想与文学的人文关怀相交织时,时年23岁的独步究竟是如何书写这场战争的,有必要透过历史的尘埃去重新审视这一时代的缩影。     

泰国的禁毒运动

制毒、贩毒和吸毒是当今世界最大的公害之一。它跟艾滋病、恐怖主义一样,是人类的大敌。目前全世界毒品的种植、生产和消费仍呈蔓延和发展的趋势,毒品问题已成为全球性的问题,几乎没有一个国家能幸免于难。地处世界著名毒源“金三角”的泰国,更是在劫难逃,长期受到毒品的危害和困扰,可以说,毒品已成为泰国国家安全与稳定的主要威胁之一。他信政府自2001年2月上台执政以来,把禁毒作为与脱贫、治贪并列的三大施政目标之一。他信认为,毒品是泰国当前的大敌,防毒反毒是政府的当务之急,提出了向“毒品宣战”的口号。近三年,由于措施得力,行动果断,所以扫毒工作战果累累。泰国政府禁毒的成功将不仅造福于全体泰国人民,也将为整个亚洲乃至全世界的禁毒斗争做出历史性贡献。     

略论尼克松政府的越南战争政策

越南战争是美国外交史上的一次大失败。1969年1月上台的尼克松政府为了结束这场不得人心的侵略战争,采取了软硬兼施的两手政策,试图以武力为后盾,实现所谓“体面的和平”,结果却陷入了进退两难的尴尬境地,最终不得不回到谈判桌上,用和平手段来实现停战。尼克松政府的越南政策再一次证明了武力威胁的限度。     

Realist Visions of the End of the Cold War: Morgenthau, Aron and Waltz

Although realist theory did not predict the end of the cold war, prominent realist scholars such as Hans Morgenthau, Raymond Aron and Kenneth Waltz did give some thought to the conditions under which the cold war might be settled. Both Aron and Morgenthau characterised the cold war as a combination of traditional power politics and ideological competition, but they differed on the relative weight of each component. For Morgenthau, a diplomatic settlement would deactivate the unsettling potential of the ideological conflict; for Aron, only the disappearance of the ideological conflict could pave the way to some lasting diplomatic settlement. For Waltz, ideology had little impact; the bipolar structure of the international system was the main variable on which both the cold war and its end depended.