The Conservative–Reformist Conflict Over Women's Rights in Iran

The struggle over women's rights has been one of the main battlegrounds between the forces of modernity and tradition in Iranian politics and society. With the emergence of a Reformist movement in 1997 this struggle entered a new phase in the Islamic Republic. It became part of the part of a broader conflict over two differing notions of Islam. One is an absolutist and legalistic Islam, premised on the notion of duty, tolerating no dissent and making little concession to popular will and contemporary realities. The other is a pluralistic and tolerant Islam that promotes democratic values and human rights—including women's rights.     

The Communist Ideological Legacy and Serb–Albanian Relations in Kosovo∗

This article uses Central Asian examples to challenge theories of ethnic nationalism that locate its origins in intellectual activism (Hroch), state modernization processes (Gellner), or the rise of mass media (Anderson). Modern Uyghur cultural politics and traditional Central Asian dynastic genealogies reveal related processes used in constructing modern nationalist symbols and pre-modern ideologies of descent. Modern territorial states with ideals of social unification and bureaucratic organization rely upon nationalist discourses to elaborate and rework cultural forms into evidence for the ethnic nation. The state links citizens to institutions through nationalist content used in political discourse, schooling, and public performances. Because such content is presented as authentic but used instrumentally, its contingency and fabrication have to be concealed from view: the culturally intimate spaces of bureaucratic production of culture and narratives are separated from public performances. The creation of genealogies used to legitimate pre-modern states are similar: compositional processes and goals are kept offstage, and little is disclosed in the public historical narratives and performances.     

The threat of autocracy diffusion in consolidated democracies? The case of China,Singapore and Australia

The majority of today’s authoritarian regimes have little hope of promoting autocracy beyond their own borders, let alone to consolidated democratic countries. However, China and Singapore are two prominent examples of non-democratic countries whose soft power arsenals have given them some global appeal beyond that enjoyed by most authoritarian regimes. But to what extent has China’s and Singapore’s power of example influenced consolidated democracies in terms that the latter wanting to replicate some political practices or even norms in these non-democratic regimes? In this article, we engage recent works to examine this question in relation to how Australians perceive the political example offered by China and Singapore. Focusing our analysis on several prominent polls conducted recently by the Lowy Institute for International Policy, we suggest that at present there is little evidence of a causal impact of the rise of authoritarian powerhouses such as China and Singapore on how Australians view democracy at home. Through these case studies, this article sheds some light on the theoretical as well as practical questions about the inherent impediments of authoritarian diffusion in consolidated democracies.     

The Tyranny of Pragmatism: EU–Kazakhstani Relations

The pragmatic interests of Kazakhstan and the European Union have profoundly influenced the relationship between them, preventing the establishment of successful cooperation in the human dimension. This article investigates these dynamics in detail, placing its spotlight on the role assigned to the relationship with the European Union in the most recent technologies of power devised by the Kazakhstani regime. Particular attention here will be devoted to the tension between the regime's search for international legitimacy and its efforts to insulate itself from EU pressures for political liberalisation.     

The Role of Power in EU–Russia Energy Relations: The Interplay between Markets and Geopolitics

Abstract

Energy trade is an essential factor in EU–Russia relations. This essay argues that Russia and the European Union have deployed two types of power in their post-Cold War energy relationship. Russia has predominantly exerted geopolitical power through the sale of its vast energy resources and selected strategies to channel them to partners. With a large market but lacking fossil fuels, the EU attempted to achieve its aims mostly through regulatory power. However, both the Russian and the EU external energy policy strategies have recently become more nuanced. This evolution in their approaches has resulted in Russia’s gradual acceptance of the regulatory and market principles promoted by the EU.     

The Topography of Sino–Romanian Relations in the Post-Cold War Era (1990–2015)

This article looks, from a Romanian perspective, at developments in Sino–Romanian relations over the past 25 years, with a focus on two factors that shaped bilateral cooperation: the political matrix of interactions and the mutual pursuit of economic and security benefits. In this context, the article argues that, although the existing pattern of cooperative outputs and the two states’ behavioural dynamics were largely by-products of a divergent interplay of endogenous variables and exogenously-articulated influences, Sino–Romanian relations in the post-1989 era were mainly characterised by an adaptive inertia, circumscribed by a tradition of tacit, formal, and informal (positive) cooperation.     

The Contracting Quandary: Managing Local Authority–VNPO Relations

Problems with competitive transactional contracting raise the possibility of relational contracting as an attractive alternative for managing local authority–VNPO (voluntary non-profit organisation) relations. This empirical study of 45 relational social service contracts examines the conditions under which advantages such as flexibility and social capital development emerge as opposed to dangers of political abuse, defiance and resource frustrations. Findings suggest that successful relational contracting requires partners whose professional and management reputations inspire competence trust and whose commitment encourages goodwill trust. Decisions between competitive transactional contracting and relational contracting present difficult dilemmas. The costs and benefits of relational contracting need to be weighed against those of transactional contracting. At the same time there are political and ideological pressures, as well as public service norm constraints.     

The Institutional Dynamics of a Developmental State: Change and Continuity in State–Economy Relations in Israel

This paper examines the institutional dynamics of the Israeli developmental state, focusing on its transformation since the mid-1980s, when a deep and far-reaching process of liberalization began. In contrast to the conventional stance concerning the withdrawal of the state from the economy and the decline of its political and institutional capabilities to shape the structure of economic relations, our analysis suggests that the state has not retreated from the economic sphere. The important shift in state?Ceconomy relations lies not in the extent of the state??s involvement in the economy, but rather in the mode of its involvement. That is, institutional changes have to do first and foremost with the definition of the state??s objectives in the management of the political economy and the way it uses particular institutional instruments to attain those objectives. As we show, state agencies continue to play a crucial role in the economic arena. While certain institutional traits and practices of the classic developmental state have indeed vanished, there are also very significant lines of continuity in place that keep imprinting on state?Ceconomy relations. It is this combination of change and continuity that determines the modes of action of developmental states under conditions of neoliberal globalization.     

The Darfur Issue:A New Test for China’s African Policy

<正>With the approaching of Sudan's very first election in nearly two decades in April 2010,Sudan,the biggest country in Africa and also the country that faced most complicated development environment both domestically and internationally,is once again becoming the focus of the world.And the ongoing conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan,about one fifth of the total area and with more than 17%of total population,plus the controversy policy taken by the Sudan government as well as China's growing economic engagement in the country,particularly in the energy field,has put China's Africa policy in the spot light.Since China and Sudan have had a long tradition of friendship and close political and economic ties,there has been an unreasonable high expectation from the international community that China alone can influence the position of the Sudanese government on this sensitive matter.The international controversy over Darfur has brought a fundamental challenge to China's long-held foreign policy of 'non-interference'.The author argued in the paper,the principle ofnon-interferenceshould not be interpreted as non willingness to take theresponsibility to protect.As a matter of fact,in recent years,China's Darfur policy has shown more and more flexibility and thenon-interferencepolicy itself is also undergoing changes.Given the complexity of the Darfur issue and the volatile North/South relation in Sudan,theengagement approachendorsed and pushed by China is more constructive thansanction initiativefor maintaining the stability and peace in Sudan.     

The Changing Patterns of China–CEE Trade

This article examines the contribution of competitiveness and trade product structure to China’s commercial links with ten states located in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). A constant market share analysis for the 2002–2011 period shows that, except for Romania, both CEE states and China increased their market shares in each other’s market mainly due to their improved competitiveness in intermediate goods. However, with the notable exception of Slovakia, other CEE economies and China tended to gain market shares in product groups characterised by relatively non-dynamic import demand growth. This mismatch between the Competitiveness and Structure Effects points to the room for an expansion of China–CEE trade.     

China’s Public Relations and Soft-power

China’s foreign strategy and foreign policy have changed tremendously. China began to build up soft-power of national culture and embark on public diplomacy, which aimed at: 1, increasingly exposing China to the world in terms of the state of affairs, policies and values, 2, creating a more objective and amicable milieu of opinions and 3, enhancing China’s international image. The author offers her personal perspectives on how to handle relations between pursuing public relations and building up national soft-power, how to advance national soft-power by public relations and the need to obviate ideological barriers.