President Gloria Macapagal‐Arroyo's anti‐corruption strategy in the Philippines an evaluation

Fighting corruption has been one of the priority issues for President Gloria Macapagal‐Arroyo for the past five years. Faster‐paced and result‐oriented implementation of anti‐corruption projects did bring some tangible results. There are new laws and executive and administrative orders related to anti‐corruption which have been passed. New strategies during her second term such as strengthening anti‐corruption agencies, more social value formation at the national level, and the use of e‐procurement in the government system, show encouraging signs for success. However, despite the effort and achievement, the public perception of corruption and sincerity of the government performance in fighting corruption remains unchanged or has even worsened. Is it due to lack of political will? Does this mean that the government is losing the war on corruption? The answers are complex, but two important reasons are the slow progress to improve the country's economy and the ineffectiveness of the government which has resulted in a negative public perception. The government needs to gain more public confidence so that the anti‐corruption reforms will strengthen good governance and make it accountable.     

The place of corporate ownership and management in local government anti‐poverty strategy in Britain

Since devolution in 1999, the Welsh Government has developed a distinctive approach to the management of local government policy. Alongside an emphasis on welfarism and partnership, local authorities have been exhorted to put the citizen at the centre of public service delivery. Drawing on the notion of assemblage, developed in the governmentality literature, this paper identifies two different rationalities running through Welsh Government policy documents. On the basis of a series of interviews with government officials and their counterparts in the Welsh Local Government Association we find evidence of important tensions in the Welsh approach. While the emphasis on the citizen has worked in building a ‘political rationality’, the evidence from our interviews suggests that it works less well as a ‘government technology’.     

Gender wage inequality and export‐led growth in South Korea

This article investigates the relationship between gender, wage inequality, and export‐led growth in South Korea. The persistent gender wage gap in Korea's manufacturing sector is found to be linked to women's segregation in the country's major export industries where real wage growth has lagged productivity growth, despite favorable market conditions that might drive up women's wages relative to those of men. The interaction of state‐ and firm‐level hiring, training, and promotion practices that structure women's and men's employment opportunities differently appear to have resulted in a relatively weaker fall‐back position for women in labour markets. Econometric results are consistent with the hypothesis that women's weaker fall‐back position limits their ability to bargain for wage increases commensurate with productivity growth. Further, evidence is presented which links gender wage inequality to the growth of Korean exports.     

North Korea’s Shadow Economy: A Force for Authoritarian Resilience or Corrosion?

An unofficial or ‘shadow’ economy like that in contemporary North Korea generates countervailing pressures for a socialist regime. It can buttress the regime by facilitating the cynical use of anti-market laws, alleviating shortages, helping the official economy to function, and creating vested interests in the status quo. On the other hand, the shadow economy can corrode the regime’s power by diminishing its control over society, encouraging scepticism about collective ideologies, and providing networks and material that can be used for opposition to the state. This article analyses these tensions in the DPRK, by drawing on 35 semi-structured interviews with North Korean defectors.     

The anti‐secession law,framing, and political change in Taiwan

Beijing's Anti‐Secession Law (ASL) was promulgated in March 2005. Influenced by the December 2004 Legislative Yuan elections in Taiwan, Beijing's 2005 comments suggested the ASL was intended to increase peaceful interaction, not confrontation. Temporary, cooperative discussions early in 2005 between the People First Party (PFP) and President Chen Shui‐bian (DPP) are analysed as well as trips to the mainland by KMT leaders and the subsequent China visit by PFP leaders. The impact of all these events on the May 2005 National Assembly elections and the December local elections in the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCT) is discussed. An evolving, more peaceful and interactive status quo has reduced the likelihood of military force becoming an option. Gradual refraining of cross‐Strait relations occurred in 2005. Still to be determined is whedier Taiwan will benefit from the changing status quo to the degree Beijing believes the PRC will benefit.     

Measuring trade strategy in the presence of non‐tradeables: Theory and some evidence for the Caribbean

This article models trade policies in the presence of non‐tradeables, and investigates trade strategy interventions and outcomes where the price of non‐tradeables endogenously adjusts to trade interventions. Trade regime bias and neutrality issues are examined within a three‐sector, open economy model. The theoretical framework is operationalised using empirical evidence for Trinidad and Barbados. The robustness of partial equilibrium measures of protection for classifying trade strategies is challenged and evidence on alternative general equilibrium or ‘true’ measures of protection is reported. ‘True’ or revealed trade strategies are shown to differ from those apparently intended by policy‐makers.     

In search of an anti‐terrorism policy: Lessons from the reagan era

Abstract

During the 1980s, terrorist activities became a real threat to Americans at home and abroad. The Reagan administration's policy response to this threat was encumbered by several factors, both of commission and omission. Dominant anti‐communist ideological perceptions in the administration at times blurred the disparate causes of international terrorism and the varied motives of terrorist groups. The administration was unable to back up its words with consistent, resolute policy action. And U.S. intelligence operations were not able to detect or prevent several terrorist strikes against U.S. facilities, especially in the Middle East.

The U.S. air raid on Libya served notice that the United States would strike militarily at state sponsors of terrorism. It also called into the question the Reagan administration's willingness to adhere strictly to international law in its efforts to prosecute certain governments who aid and abet terrorist groups. There is no policy panacea for terrorism; terrorism can only be countered by a resolute policy which combines protection, prevention, and prosecution, including military retaliation if it is necessary and can be carried out proportionate to the aggrieved terrorist offense. The lessons gleaned from the Reagan administration's anti‐terrorist experience are both constructive and instructive. However, only if more deliberate efforts are made to integrate these lessons into policy considerations will they become utilitarian assets to counter terrorist activities, at home and abroad.     

Re‐examining the Team A‐Team B exercise

The great pretenders

Peter Schweizer: Victory: The Reagan Administration's Secret Strategy That Hastened the Collapse of the Soviet Union The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York, 1994, 284 pp., $22.00.

Insight into the Japanese‐German relationship

Carl Boyd: Hitler's Japanese Confidant: General Oshima Hiroshi and MAGIC Intelligence, 1941–1945 University Press of Kansas, Lawrence, Kan., 1993, 294 p., $25.00.

Old secrets revealed

Wilhelm F. Flicke: War Secrets in the Ether Aegean Park Press, Laguna Hills, CA, 1994, 234 pp., $36.30.     

Agrarian reform and the struggle for labour‐power: A Peruvian case study

This paper examines conflict over labour‐power, and argues for its centrality to an understanding of class struggle taking place in the Peruvian province of La Convención during the pre‐ and post‐reform era. Initially, this conflict involved landlord and tenants over the issue of labour‐rent. When additional land became available as a result of the expropriation of the landlord class, the implementation of the agrarian reform deprived the peasant enterprise of labour‐power necessary for its cultivation. The increasingly acute struggle between different peasant strata for access to and control over labour‐power in the post‐reform period accordingly involved the intensification of the debt bondage mechanism and avoidance of political office‐holding by better‐off peasants.     

Access to credit for non‐formal micro‐enterprises in Botswana

The literature on micro‐enterprises identifies a lack of capital as a primary constraint to enterprise development. Potentially, Botswana could be different as the commercial banking system has excess liquidity and the government has established relevant lending institutions and several financial assistance programmes. On the basis of a 1992 survey of 1,140 micro‐enterprises engaged in non‐formal activities in seven urban centres and villages in Botswana this study finds the situation in Botswana to be similar to the conclusions reported in the literature for other countries. There is a need for institutional changes which channel loanable funds to micro‐enterprises in a manner that addresses their respective capital constraints and encourages the entrepreneurs to become responsible savers and borrowers. The article draws on the literature and on the experience of several successful micro‐enterprise loan schemes to outline the essential features of needed programme delivery changes.