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1.
    
Based on the premise that perception operates either as a catalyst or a constraint for a hegemonic war, this study examines ‘national perceptions’ (i.e. how the citizens of the two states view each other) and ‘official views’ (i.e. how the two governments perceive each other) between the US and China of the post-Cold War period. As for the national views, (1) American perceptions of China have generally become more negative than Chinese perceptions of America; (2) little congruence is found between the two powers on key values and norms; and (3) perceptions are generally getting far ahead of the realities. As for the official views, formal documents do not fully reveal their real state of minds. Diplomatic courtesy and strategic self-esteem runs through them. Yet, America’s strategic concern and growing will to manage China from a position of strength is increasingly more discernible. From the Chinese documents, on the other hand, signs of inferiority have gradually disappeared. In sum, perceptions between the two are working more as a catalyst for strategic competition than a constraint on it.  相似文献   

2.
时代和实践呼唤当代中国马克思主义的出场,针对当代中国马克思主义研究存在的诸多范式,需要从科学理论的维度、发展实践的维度、中国问题的维度以及研究主体的维度等方面正本清源、扶偏匡正。在此基础上,按照开拓研究的逻辑起点,明确研究的价值取向,判明研究的历史方位,设定研究的结构要素等内在逻辑,建构形态统一的当代中国马克思主义学理形态、大众形态、政治形态以及文化形态。  相似文献   

3.
准确把握延安知识分子群体的内涵及基本特征是进一步研究该群体的前提和基础。延安知识分子群体是指20世纪30年代中期至40年代初到过延安,以救国的革命理想为指导,并最终接受了中国共产党革命意识形态的知识分子的集合体。其基本特征是:来源面广,背景复杂;知识层次高,聚集了一批专家、学者;思想上接受了马克思主义、毛泽东思想的指导;初步实现了与工农结合以及由小资产阶级知识分子到无产阶级知识分子的转变;实现了延安各界知识分子的团结。  相似文献   

4.
肖滨 《政治学研究》2020,(1):57-65,M0004
在《中国政治学的转型:分化与定位》一文中,景跃进教授将政治共同体确立为中国政治学的逻辑起点,揭示维系中国大一统的集权逻辑,搭建了一个国体、政体和政治共同体\"三位一体\"的中国政治学分析框架。景跃进教授提出的问题及所做出的分析极具启发性,但仍有进一步商榷和对话的空间。中国政治学研究的逻辑起点是现代性的国家共同体;现代性国家共同体既服从统一逻辑,又遵循共和逻辑。在\"一体双权\"的中国政治学分析框架中,\"一体\"是指现代国家共同体以主权独立、领土完整、国族一体等为核心内容的一体格局和统一状态,体现统一逻辑;\"双权\"则包括\"民权\"和\"国权\",处理二者之关系的制度安排事关共和逻辑能否得到实现。相对于\"三位一体\"的中国政治学分析框架,\"一体双权\"有一定的理论优势,有可能拓展中国政治学的学术研究范围,为中国政治学和西方政治学的对话提供更加开放的交集空间。  相似文献   

5.
This article introduces a configurative theory to explain military reactions to nonviolent mass protests in dictatorships. An empirical analysis of three cases of such “dictators endgames” (Burma in 1988, Sudan in 1985, and East Germany in 1989), shows that militaries will defend the dictator against the masses if the military leadership’s physical and economic well-being is linked to the dictator’s survival in office. In turn, military leaders will defect from the regime incumbent only if the alternatives of siding with the opposition or staging a coup d’état is expected to be more beneficial to their interests than staying loyal to the regime.  相似文献   

6.
Qu Shuwen 《社会征候学》2018,28(3):349-370
This paper explores the vocal authority of Chinese female rock singers’ voices as semiotic and cultural rebellion against male-dominated rock aesthetics and the accepted sounds of women’s singing in popular music. The first of the paper’s two sections challenges the gendered stereotypes associated with female singers, and argues for the artistic significance embedded in the voice to set the exploration of subversive femininities, and, more importantly, to unveil the polysomic cultural and social making process of a distinctive personal voice. The second and longest section of the paper first creates theoretical dialogues regarding Potter, De Certeau, Shepherd and Barthes’ theories of voice and culture, and then presents the case analysis of three prominent Chinese female rocker singers, Zhang Qianqian, Wu Hongfei and Kang Mao. The analysis discusses distinctive “feminine noise” by excavating the cultural and institutional forces embedded in the vocal styles of these singers. The semiotic features of grain, timbre, articulation and volume in the voice demonstrate how the complex acoustic soundscape of “feminine noises” reveals the regional, ethnic, class and sexual formation of female musicians’ gender identity.  相似文献   

7.
于亚琴 《学理论》2012,(11):67-68
日本是世界上老龄化程度最高的国家,一直在不断地发展和完善社会保障制度,现在已经形成了相当完善和成熟的社会保障制度与体系。通过日本老龄社会保障制度,结合中国目前的社会保障制度,对我国老年保障制度的发展提出相应对策:一是制定政策,完善法律法规;二是建立养老保障行政机构;三是多层次的养老保障制度。  相似文献   

8.
中国道路是围绕什么是社会主义,怎样建设社会主义这个根本问题,在理论和实践中形成和发展起来的中国特色社会主义道路。人民大众坚定走中国道路是中华民族实现伟大复兴的前提,这需要用马克思主义理论武装人民大众,并在人民大众的中国道路实践中,充分彰显马克思主义理论的科学认知、方法指引、实践指导价值功能。  相似文献   

9.
国家形象因其复杂、可塑和重要,它的建构已成为现代国家非常重视的课题。国家形象建构是理解、把握新中国成立以来光辉历程不可或缺的维度,因为建构稳定和向好的大国形象是中华人民共和国建国以来重要的内在关切和诉求,我们对此有自觉的认识和努力。新中国成立以来的伟大成就,极大地改变了中国各方面的客观源像,建构了诸如社会主义大国、东方大国、全球性大国等形象,总体上日渐趋好,中国国家形象建构取得很大成绩。国家形象建构和新中国建设、发展之间存在着内在的良性互动关系。也正因为如此,在分析不足的基础上探讨进一步优化国家形象的根本路径,有助于更好地推动中国特色社会主义在新时代健康前行。  相似文献   

10.
蔺唤 《学理论》2012,(22):176-177
通过对iPhone的技术参数、定价、利润分配三个图表的分析,解读了iPhone的传奇现象,揭示了其背后的科技内涵。基于高等教育的科研职能,提出了我国高等教育在科研创新和成效推广中潜在的四种危机。旨在认识并理清它们之间的关系,反思我国目前的高等教育现状,以期对我国高等教育的发展起到启示和借鉴作用,进而加快我们由"中国制造"向"中国创造"迈进的步伐。  相似文献   

11.
加强中国式民主操作机制建设既是中国政治刻不容缓的形势需要,也是实现民主价值和发挥民主功能的内在要求。发展中国式民主既应该“在价值层次上做出确定论证”,也需要“在操作层次上做出系统规定”。加强操作机制建设是中国探索超大社会发展大国民主的重大课题和必由之路。通过健全制度体系、加强操作机制建设已成为中国民主发展的战略选择和生动实践。虽然中国共产党人领导中国人民为坚持和完善中国特色社会主义民主政治制度体系做出了不懈努力并取得了巨大成就,但加强中国式民主操作机制建设任务依然十分艰巨,探索仍应继续。既要搞好顶层设计往下推,也要总结基层经验往上提;必须考虑民主多重价值之间及其与民主多样手段之间的相容度和兼容性,避免各种要素结构功能之间的矛盾与冲突;操作理论简洁明了,操作要领简单易行,操作结果廉价高效,应成为加强中国式民主操作机制建设努力的重要方向。  相似文献   

12.
    
Anthropologists studying the Andean community politics have increasingly emphasised the role of pragmatic, informal ‘vernacular’ political strategies in achieving material and political empowerment of the poor. However, while the concept of vernacular politics marks an advancement over binary and often polarised discussions of the role of local communities in development processes, studies have not fully explored the full range of implications of vernacular strategies on development processes. While researchers have demonstrated the substantial agency that local community actors have to influence development processes, the extent to which this influence effectively resists or reinforces the logic of public policy implementation has not been studied. This article explores the techniques used by rural communities in their interactions with public institutions in rural Bolivia. It shows that community organisations' vernacular political strategies have mixed outcomes: on the one hand, they allow the rural poor to assert their own agendas vis‐à‐vis the state so that they can benefit from public spending, while on the other hand, their tactics have the potential to entrench the influence of local power brokers and perpetuate inefficient uses of public funds. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

13.
Malaysia's Barisan Nasional (a coalition of mainly ethnic-based parties) secured a narrow win in the country's recent election. Reacting to the dismal result, Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak blamed his party's losses on the “Chinese Tsunami”, which he described as the overwhelming support of Chinese voters for the opposition party – the Pakatan Rakyat (PR). This note believes that the debates on “Chinese Tsunami” highlight a larger imperative; Malaysians' constant struggle with race relations and what constitutes the character of Malaysia's political economy. Improving Malaysia's ethnic relations in the next five years remains daunting. The BN's weaker mandate and the PR's eagerness to assume leadership threatens to recycle more populist policies that can do more damage to Malaysia's ethnic relations.  相似文献   

14.
    
This article examines the rise of China from the perspective of three selected countries – the Philippines, Vietnam, and Malaysia – in Southeast Asia. I argue that their perceptions of China's rise are political constructs: while the objective reality may be an increasingly powerful China, their responses have been far from uniform. They vary in ways that are shaped by their domestic politics. These constructed narratives serve their respective political agenda, from leadership legitimacy to the supremacy of a party faction. Since theories of international relations tend to fixate on power politics between great powers, this article explains how and why small regional powers add to the process of understanding China's rise. In short, regional states’ domestic politics affect their narratives of China, and therefore affect how China's rise is being understood in the region and beyond.  相似文献   

15.
本文概述了邓小平侨务思想形成和发展的历史过程,邓小平侨务思想的基本特征、科学内涵以及与中国特色社会主义侨务理论之间的关系。以十一届三中全会为界,邓小平侨务思想形成和发展的历史过程可以分为前后两个阶段。邓小平侨务思想具有时代性、开创性和与时俱进的理论品质,其科学内涵可以简要概括为海外关系论、华侨爱国论、重大贡献论、权益保护论、独特机遇论、团结振兴论。邓小平侨务思想是在继承以毛泽东为代表的第一代领导集体侨务思想的基础上形成的有中国特色的社会主义侨务理论,它是邓小平理论的重要组成部分,是改革开放以来我国侨务工作的理论依据和行动指南。  相似文献   

16.
本文分析了当代中国政府与政治研究的现状、主题及未来发展。现状主要是三本书和两套丛书 ,处于起步阶段 ;主题是民主政治和优化政府体系 ;未来发展是八个方面 ,即在政府理论、政府运行机制、政治文化等领域深入开展研究 ,以将当代中国政府与政治的研究推进到一个新的高度  相似文献   

17.
Immigration is related to widening inequality and insecurity in the United States, but it is not the main cause of such changes and to focus on the host/immigrant conflict diverts attention from many different elite projects that have widened inequality. Moral arguments about immigration cannot just address outsiders who only want to get into nations, but must address the moral situation of people in the process of entry and especially of insider/outsiders, people already in. Over the long run, civic nationalism is a healthier model than exclusionary biological or cultural fundamentalist definitions of the national community.
Josiah McC. HeymanEmail:

Josiah Heyman   is Professor of Anthropology and Chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Texas at El Paso. He is the author or editor of three books and author of over 50 scholarly articles, book chapters, and essays. He can be contacted at jmheyman@utep.edu.  相似文献   

18.
中国新型政党制度的治理意蕴   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新中国成立七十年来,中国新型政党制度作为产生于中国土壤的一项基本政治制度,不断发展成熟。中国新型政党制度是极具中国特色的制度设计,也是国家治理体系的重要组成部分,其中国共产党领导下的"多党合作与政治协商"特征淡化了长久以来政党制度的"管理"倾向,凸显了"治理"特性。中国新型政党制度所具有的主体多元性、过程协商性和实践合作性等治理特征,使得多党合作的治理效能得以真正发挥,彰显了中国新型政党制度的优越性。  相似文献   

19.
    
On May 26th, 2015, China published its 10th Defense White Paper which integrated 'open seas protection', along with 'offshore waters defense', into its naval strategy. This shift in naval strategy, albeit largely anticipated, raises a series of important questions about China's maritime ambitions. This article seeks to analyze the causes, nature and challenges of China's latest shift in naval strategy, and its implications for Sino-US maritime relations. The article argues that China's latest shift in naval strategy is a logical corollary of the tension between China's expanding global interests and its asymmetric approach to sea power, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) provides the necessary stimulus and justification for such a shift. China's new naval strategy, the paper contends, denotes that it will develop a Mahanian blue-water navy and a basic network of overseas bases in the years ahead. Those two developments are expected to pose a series of significant challenges for China's foreign policy. The article argues that China's new naval strategy presents both challenges and opportunities for China and the world. To accomplish 'open seas protection', China will probably have to modify its policies on a range of issues, and moderate its competitive stance in the near seas. Although China's new naval strategy need not be interpreted in a competitive framework, it does present China with a stark choice: either it pursues more friendly attitudes towards its maritime ambitions by modifying its current policy, or it will be increasingly confronted by a coalition of hostile states.  相似文献   

20.
治民·治政·治党--中国政治发展战略解析   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
中国经济发展的成就举世瞩目,但政治发展却鲜为世人所乐道。这一方面是因为政治改革还在探索之中,政治发展思路还需要有一个逐步清晰和明确的过程;另一方面也是因为对于政治发展的理解和评价历来有所不同。在一般的政治研究中,建立在西方经验模式的基础上,民主化被认为是判断政治发展的主要标准。本文认为,仅仅用“民主”指标来衡量中国政治发展有失公允,而“治理”理论却可能为解释中国政治发展提供一种新的视角;在“治理”概念下,“治民”、“治政”和“治党”可以用来说明一种日渐清晰的中国政治发展战略思路。  相似文献   

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