土库曼斯坦武装力量基本情况

土库曼斯坦地处西亚、里海和中亚地区的交汇处,东临费尔干纳盆地和阿富汗,西望高加索和中东地区,战略地位十分重要。土库曼斯坦军队是环里海地区的一支重要武装力量,对地区力量对比和地缘政治形势有着一定的影响力。 一、土库曼斯坦武装力量的构成与 装备情况 土库曼斯坦的建军方针是:“建设一支足以抵御侵略、维护国家统一和主权完整的少而精的国防力量。”目前,其武装力量由国防部系统(海军、空军和防空部队、陆军和边防军、内务部队)和民兵组成。总兵员不超过5万人,年国防预算为900万美元,占国民生产总值的3.4％。 (一)海军。土库曼斯坦海军舰队的主基地位于土库曼巴什(原克拉斯诺沃特斯克)。此外,在阿姆-达里尔河上的格里弗地区有一支规模不大的内河     

俄罗斯大力加强军队信息化建设

随着信息技术的飞速发展和计算机网络的普遍运用,争夺和保卫信息资源将成为未来保卫国家利益斗争的重点和焦点,信息战也就自然而然地会成为未来的一种基本战争样式,信息时代国家安全在很大程度上将系于能否打赢信息战.本文着重介绍和分析了俄罗斯军队对信息战的认识、重视;俄军在发展信息化方面所存在的问题以及俄军为加强军队信息化建设拟采取的措施和对策.对我军现代化建设也有一定的借鉴意义.     

俄罗斯与《欧洲常规武装力量条约》的侧翼问题

1990年11月北约和华约签署的《欧洲常规武装力量条约》设立了“侧翼区”,侧翼区国家部署在该区域内的武器装备要受到严格限制。俄罗斯欧洲的南北部分地区在侧翼区内。俄罗斯南部高加索地区受分裂势力严重影响,北约把武器装备部署在不是该条约缔约国的波罗的海三国,俄罗斯南北两个侧翼区都受到威胁和挑战。俄罗斯要求改变或取消侧翼机制,但北约只是部分满足了俄罗斯的要求。俄罗斯与北约国家在侧翼问题上存在很大矛盾。     

Into the Great Wide Open: The Transformation of the German Armed Forces After 1990

The German military has gone through fundamental changes since Reunification in 1990. Not only did its obvious enemy disappear, but the basis for what had been a partnership of convenience between German society and the Bundeswehr eroded. Since then, successive German governments have tried to find ways to transform strategic concepts, military structures, and international commitments to fit the new international relations and security challenges at the beginning of the twenty-first century. These transformation efforts have been affected both by cultural restraints and by economic ones. Instead of just following one new and simple strategic concept, the transformation of the Bundeswehr had to be oriented towards military structures that were politically and financially feasible. Despite the progress achieved on the operational level, Germany is still lacking a clear strategic concept for the use of force and the engagement of the Bundeswehr.     

Energy and Security in Long-Term Defence Planning: Scenario Analysis for the Swedish Armed Forces

Abstract

The competition for energy resources, as well as the closely related climate change problems, imply a number of global security consequences. A methodology to include energy aspects in long-term defence planning, based on broad civilian scenario approaches, is proposed. The study has been carried out by the Swedish Defence Research Agency, as commissioned by the Swedish Armed Forces, resulting in a number of future mission scenarios highlighting e.g. new challanges and tasks, as well as the need for new capabilities and equipment.     

组织间不信任与替代性武装力量：拉美国家废除军队的政治逻辑

军队是国家权力的关键指标,也是绝大多数主权国家不可或缺的有机构成,在国内政治与国际关系领域都发挥着重要作用。然而,世界上仍存在少数主动废除军队的国家。引人关注的是,这类案例大多集中在拉美地区。对于这些拉美国家为何废除军队,既有研究主要从小国视角和军政关系视角出发,认为国家规模与国家安全之关联性和去军事化改革是基本逻辑依据。然而对拉美具体案例而言,这些理论范式的解释性仍存在一定欠缺。考察哥斯达黎加和海地案例可知,组织间不信任与替代性武装力量强弱是拉美特定国家废除军队的基本政治逻辑;获得可信的武装力量支持是新政权得以巩固的必要条件。当新政府与既有军队之间出现组织间不信任时,新政府便倾向于谋求用其他武装力量来替代既有军队。同时,替代性武装力量的强弱影响着政府的替代决策。若不存在可信的替代性武装力量,或只存在弱替代性武装力量,那么废除军队并建立或扶植一些原先较弱的武装组织便成为拉美国家政府强化武装力量控制的常见选择。     

车臣非法武装

车臣非法武装是车臣分裂分子武装力量的统称,它已成为世界极端恐怖组织之一,近年来在莫斯科和格罗兹尼等地频繁绑架人质和制造恐怖爆炸事件。今年10月23日晚,车臣分裂分子又在莫斯科东南部轴承厂文化宫剧场劫持800多名观众为人质,致使120名俄罗斯人和8名外国人死亡,后果及手段令世人震惊。 一、车臣非法武装的演变史。车臣非法武装的前身,是根据1991年11月2—8日原车臣“总统”杜达耶夫的命令成立的车臣共和国武装部队。1991年12月24日车臣共和国《国防法》规定,凡年满18岁的车臣男性公民都有义务服兵役,19—26岁青年服现役。1992年2月17日杜达耶夫下达第29号令:车臣共和国公民凡自愿停止苏联部队的军旅生涯并愿在车臣共和国武装力量服役者,可官复原职,     

The Downside of Decentralization: Armed Clientelism in Colombia

In recent years, decentralization and regional autonomy measures have figured prominently in negotiations designed to end some of the world's most important conflicts, including in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan. Reforms that shift powers to subnational units deserve the attention of those who are trying to promote security via institutional design, but the risks associated with these territorial reforms are considerable. When political and economic resources are transferred to subnational governments in the attempt to create meaningful access to the political system for former combatants, the great risk is that these same resources can be used to finance a continuation of the armed struggle instead. In response to the popularity of territorial reforms in many post-conflict settings, this paper sounds a cautionary note by evaluating the negative impact of decentralization on security in Colombia, site of Latin America's longest and deadliest armed conflict. After analyzing the design decisions of reformers who hoped that decentralization would help end the conflict, I argue that decentralization in fact financed the expansion of armed clientelism by illegal groups on both the left and right. Thanks to the weakness of the police in much of the national territory, guerrillas and paramilitaries have been able to use decentralized resources to destabilize the state, limiting even further its monopoly over the use of force and creating what are in effect parallel states on the left and right.     

Gender Equality and Intrastate Armed Conflict

In this article, I examine to what extent gender equality is associated with lower levels of intrastate armed conflict. I use three measures of gender equality: (1) a dichotomous indicator of whether the highest leader of a state is a woman; (2) the percentage of women in parliament; and (3) the female-to-male higher education attainment ratio. I argue that the first two measures in particular capture the extent to which women hold positions that allow them to influence matters of war and peace within a state. I further argue that all three measures, but especially the last two, capture how women are valued relative to men in a society, that is, the relative degree of subordination of women. Whereas female state leadership has no statistically significant effect, more equal societies, measured either in terms of female representation in parliament or the ratio of female-to-male higher education attainment, are associated with lower levels of intrastate armed conflict. The pacifying impact of gender equality is not only statistically significant in the presence of a comprehensive set of controls but also is strong in substantive terms.     

中日爱国主义教育思想的比较思考

中日两国由于受社会本位、整体主义以及国家主义的东方伦理的影响,两国都具有爱国心教育的历史和传统。但是两国的爱国主义教育思想还是有其各自民族的特色和差异。例如,两国爱国主义教育的抽象性和具体性的不同;两国爱国主义教育的由远至近与由近至远的不同;更重要的是两国的爱国教育与民族危机的关系的差异,即日本的爱国主义教育的两面性,一方面既与振兴民族、富国强兵思想相关联,另一方面更显示出其强烈的军国主义的侵略性特征。中国的爱国主义教育则往往是与救亡图存、摆脱被侵略奴役的悲惨命运相关联。     

俄罗斯政治力量新格局及其影响

2002年4月以来,以"统一俄罗斯"党为代表的中派势力通过一系列议会斗争,严重削弱了俄共力量,在俄政坛占据了主导地位.这标志着俄国内政治力量对比发生了新的变化,将对俄国内政局、杜马选举和总统选举产生较大影响.     

缅甸民族武装冲突的动力根源

引言缅甸联邦是亚洲最富民族多样性的国家之一,在现代历史上经历了长期的内部民族武装冲突。缅甸联邦作为后殖民时代的现代民族国家,是由前殖民时期独立的民族,即钦族、克钦族、掸族,以及其他来自缅甸本部的民族建立的。这些民族原则上有权各自从英国统治下获得独立,并建立各自的民族国家。然而,它们依据自愿加入、政治平等、邦内事务自治等原则,在1947年2月12日签署了《彬龙协议》,决定建立一个联邦,它们希望在缅甸联邦非集权的体制下实行各邦自治。     

论拉美左派东山再起

拉美左派已东山再起,其原因远不那么简单,不仅涉及拉美经济,而且与拉美社会的历史和政治密切相关.拉美左派领导人之间的内政外交主张有着很大的差异性,国内外学术界尚未对拉美左派的定义给出一个明确的界定.但无论如何,拉美左派崛起对拉美地区乃至美洲局势产生了重要影响.未来拉美左派遇到的挑战主要来自内部.业已掌权的左派如能采取符合本国实际和当前全球化趋势的措施,发展经济,推动社会发展,正确处理与其他政治力量的关系,其发展前景将是美好的.     

美英参战兵力和伊拉克军队简况

当地时间 3月 2 0日 5时 35分 (北京时间 1 0时 35分 ) ,美军向伊拉克首都巴格达南部发射“战斧”式巡航导弹 40余枚 ,伊拉克战争正式爆发。根据所掌握资料并综合各方报道 ,截至 3月底 ,双方参战兵力如下 :美英联军参战兵力及军事基地　　 (一 )美国参战部队 ,约 2 8万人。1 .陆军　约 1 5万人 ,已知有 :第 3机械化步兵师 ,下辖第 1、第 2、第 3装甲旅和 1个航空旅 ,共约 1 6万人 ,装备有坦克和装甲车共约 430 0辆。第 4机械化步兵师 (又称“常春藤”师 ) ,下辖 1个装甲旅、 2个机械化步兵旅、 1个航空旅和 1个炮兵旅 ,共约 1 7万人。装备…     

The Projected Convention on Chemical Weapons and its Application in Time of Armed Conflict

As the US prepares to pull out of Iraq, the ‘national reconciliation’ process that was launched in the Summer of 2006 remains stalled. The March 2010 legislative elections, which were expected to consecrate the rebuilding of a national pact between Iraqis, have led to even greater fragmentation of Iraq's socio-political landscape. The power sharing agreement ultimately presages more tensions to come. With the essence and reality of the Iraqi ‘nation’ long debated and subjected to continued deconstruction under the combined effects of authoritarianism, military conflagrations and economic sanctions, it will likely take decades before a genuine reconciliation can come about.     

俄罗斯国家和军队信息安全建设概况

苏联解体、俄罗斯地缘政治潜力削弱和当代几场武装冲突的进程与结局,使俄罗斯当局清醒地认识到信息安全不仅具有重要的地缘政治意义,而且关系到国家的战略发展和生死存亡。针对自身所面对的国内外复杂、严峻的信息安全形势,俄罗斯近年来采取了一系列综合措施,不断加强国家和军队的信息安全建设,以应对不断变化的信息安全挑战。     

冷战后全球武装冲突的特点及演变

冷战后,尽管国际形势整体趋向缓和,国际合作也不断扩展和加强,但武装冲突仍然是人类社会面对的一个严峻挑战,并呈现出不同以往的新特点和新趋势:冲突频率增加,冲突主体增多,中小规模冲突占据主导地位,并更加集中分布在社会发展水平较低的国家、地区和地缘政治的"破碎地带",多数冲突的动因与政权、民族或宗教因素有密切关联,带有分离主义或反恐色彩的武装冲突明显增多,冲突的根源复杂而深远.全球武装冲突表现出的新特点和发展趋势既是世界政治内在逻辑的具体体现,也在很大程度上推动着世界政治的不断演进.