“Shaping history” or “Riding the wave”?: President Bush's influence on the public opinion of terrorism, homeland security, & crime

The theory of presidential influence over public opinion is used to predict the impact of presidential rhetoric on the public's concern for terrorism, homeland security, and crime as the “most important problems facing the country.” Using OLS time-series regression, the authors find consistent results that President Bush influenced public opinion in relation to terrorism, homeland security and crime, despite the overwhelming events of September 11th and its impact. The article concludes by discussing the president's ability to shape events and how some events shape the presidency.     

Incurable Sex Offenders, Lousy Judges & The Media: Moral Panic Sustenance in the Age of New Media

There is consensus that since the 1990s, we have experienced a spike in public concern over sexual offenders. Analyzing this concern as a moral panic, this paper argues that national television coverage, as it picks up local news, adds heat to the fire by re-naming the villain as an inadequate judicial system. This process helps to sustain a moral panic, while narrowing the available discourse about the nature of appropriate punishment. Drawing upon a well-publicized example of a media event in Vermont, this paper extends the theory of moral panics to add another stage to the process—a stage presented by the advent of cable news programming, the relationship between local and national media, and the explosion of blogs. In order for a panic to sustain over an extended time period, the rhetoric about it must transform. In particular, the claimsmaking about the nature of the problem must evolve. In particular, the panic has evolved from sex offenders as folk devils to an attack on judicial discretion. The development of the outcry over judicial discretion was due, in part, to media distortion of the case. I will thus trace the trajectory of this one case to demonstrate the role of the media in shaping and sustaining the panic.     

Vagueness in Progress: A Linguistic and Legal Comparative Analysis Between UN and U.S. Official Documents and Drafts Relating to the Second Gulf War

This paper is based on a doctoral thesis which aimed at investigating on whether the use of strategic vagueness in Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq has contributed to the breakout of the 2002–2003s Gulf war instead of a diplomatic solution of the controversies. This work contains a linguistic and legal comparative analysis between UN and U.S. documents and their drafts in order to demonstrate how vagueness was deliberately added to the final versions of the documents before being passed, and thus strategically used vagueness has played a crucial role in UN resolutions related to the outbreak of war in Iraq, and in relevant legislation produced by the United States for its Congressional authorisation for war. The comparative analysis between S/RES/1441(2002) and US legislation has evidenced that that there would have been diplomatic solutions to the Iraq crises which were not synonymous of light-handed intervention against Iraq, but deliberately vague UN wording allowed the US to build its own legislation with a personal interpretation implying that the UN did not impede military action.     

Enemies Everywhere: Terrorism, Moral Panic, and US Civil Society

Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, terrorism has experienced a prominence in discourse across the U.S. The representations of terrorists and terrorism by the news media and politi have contributed to the edifice of terrorism as a moral panic. This treatise examines the social effects that have or may occur due to the social construction of a moral panic of terrorism. The thematic frame is situated within Cohens stages of a moral panic. We offer an analysis of the medias depiction and coverage of acts of terrorism, and legislative, political and legal responses in the form of social and cultural changes occurring from the creation of a moral panic. In addition, we offer an analysis of the states vested interest in the social construction of this panic, leading to increased levels of fear, targeted at the general publics consciousness. This article concludes that the presentation of terrorism and terrorists by the media and politi have contributed to unnecessary levels of panic and fear, misguided public consciousness, and the development of legislation creating negative social ramifications yet be seen.     

Legitimating war by victimization: state-corporate crime and public opinion

This article argues that the ideological use of victimization helps legitimate the state-corporate crime of aggressive war. This contributes to the emerging criminology of war by offering a theoretical framework to better understand how state and corporate actors legitimate criminal military action. We argue that politicians and other elite figures promote a sense of national victimization that is amplified by the news media. We partially test our theory by measuring the association between the incidence of terror victimization ideas in the news and public support for the U.S. ??war on terror.?? We find some evidence of relationships between our Terrorism Victimization Index and both victimization worry and aggressive war support.     

Passing on the Right conservative Bioethics is Closer Than It Appears

Like automobiles in the passenger side mirror, conservative bioethics is closer than it appears, and it has joined forces with the neo-conservative movement's rejection of moral relativism and moral pluralism. Leon Kass and about half of the current bioethics council appointed by President Bush form an interlocking world of journals, conferences, presidential advisors and, most notably, bioethics commission staff, all working to promote and extend federal regulation of public morals in the name of preserving real and romanticized societal norms in the face of social evolution wrought by technological change.     

Crime Control in the 2008 Presidential Election: Symbolic Politics or Tangible Policies?

Presidential candidates regularly use crime issues to help win electoral support. Contrary to conventional wisdom, crime control became an issue in the 2008 presidential campaign. Despite decreasing crime rates and public opinion focused only temporarily on illegal immigration, the three major presidential candidates (Obama, Clinton, & McCain) discussed many anticrime initiatives during the campaign. Unlike past research which has found presidential candidates use primarily symbolic rhetoric in their anticrime rhetoric, all three presidential candidates in the 2008 presidential election were found to have employed tangible statements. The article discusses the different findings, making recommendations for future research.     

The Enemy Within: The Outlaw Motorcycle Gang Moral Panic

When there is a period devoid of sensationalistic biker news, the public’s concern about outlaw bikers can be quite low. All it takes is one overt act of violence to heighten the public’s fear of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs are the most current “dangerous class” which have been the subject of a moral panic in Canada. Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs as organized crime bodies are deemed to be the single most serious threat to the country—the enemy within. The gang war in British Columbia is fuelled by drugs supplied by the Hells Angels and there is a wide spread fear that these evildoers are trying to harm and tear apart the fabric of our society. This article provides a critical in-depth analysis of the construction of an Outlaw Motorcycle Gang moral panic with the focus on Canada. The roles played by the media, politicians, and the public in using isolated, violent incidents to support their interests will be examined along with the interactions between these groups and the resultant punitive actions directed toward members of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs.     

现实主义与理想主义的此长彼消——“9.11”事件后美国朝野外交政策理念透视

在国际关系理论中 ,现实主义和理想主义是两种相互对立的理论 ,二者对美国的外交理念及外交政策的影响存在着此长彼消的关系。本文回顾了这两种外交理念的渊源及其对美国外交影响的变化情况 :在整个冷战时期 ,美国的外交政策和理念更多地受到现实主义的影响 ,冷战结束后 ,理想主义的影响上升 ;布什政府执政以来 ,特别是“9.1 1”事件以后 ,现实主义外交理念在美国朝野强劲抬头。     

Crime control in the 2000 presidential election: A symbolic issue

Presidential candidates regularly use crime issues to help win electoral support. Contrary to conventional wisdom, crime control also became an issue in the 2000 presidential campaign. Despite decreasing crime rates, the debate was driven by public opinion. Because the crime debate was fueled by perception rather than reality, it is argued that the symbolic nature of the debate became important in providing reassurance to the American public. This finding points to the importance of symbolic rhetoric by presidential candidates in appealing to voters and increasing public support.     

Presidential Candidates and State Crime: Views of Some U.S. College Students

This is a preliminary investigation of hawkish public opinion, understood as criminogenic in that it provides political support for state crimes of aggressive militarism. Our critical criminology approach treats public support for, or acceptance of, state aggression as part of criminogenic political culture. Despite growing interest among critical criminologists in broader perspectives on state crime and the politics of culture, there has been no work on this topic. Our survey of 53 criminal justice students at a liberal arts college finds both hawkish (militarist) and dovish (peaceful) beliefs and preferences regarding U.S. policy and the two major 2008 presidential candidates, Obama and McCain. We investigate whether authoritarianism helps explain hawkish opinions, but find little evidence for that expectation. We find evidence of respondent underestimation of the hawkishness of U.S. politics. We also find extensive evidence of dovish policy preferences, such as approval of diplomacy, a major attraction to Obama.     

numbers Tell Part of the Story: a comparison of FOIA Implementation Under the Clinton and Bush Administrations

A month after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft issued a memorandum suggesting that federal officers withhold records unless they lack a sound legal basis for doing so. White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card Jr. also issued a FOIA memorandum in 2002 in which he advised agencies not to release information for national security reasons even when the FOIA exemption for national security did not apply. The FOIA policy expressed in these memoranda clearly contrasts with that of the Clinton administration. This article examines the effect of these changes in policy on FOIA implementation between the two administrations. Quantitative data from annual FOIA reports issued by twenty-five agencies for fiscal years 1998 through 2005 are analyzed. The findings support the prevailing perception that the Bush administration has sought to limit the scope of the FOIA and has impaired its effectiveness as an instrument of access.     

Examination of newspaper coverage of Hate Crimes: A moral panic perspective

The role of the media in the construction of social problems is well documented in the social science literature. In some cases, the process of constructing social problems creates a moral panic. In this paper, we contend that a moral panic occurred in the late 1990s regarding hate crimes because of the disproportionate amount of media attention given to the issue. From this panic grew a movement to enact the Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 1999. We quantify Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s (1999) indicators of a moral panic by triangulating sample data, official statistics, and editorials/opinion polls. Results suggest that a moral panic over hate crimes occurred in America during 1998 and 1999.     

Crimestoppers: The legitimation of snitching

A recent addition to the U.S. crime-fighting arsenal is Crimestoppers, a program relying on anonymous citizens' informing to police—snitching—in return for cash rewards. Using a social constructionist perspective, this paper seeks to account for Crimestoppers' legitimation and rapid rise in popularity despite well-established moral opposition to snitching and snitches and despite a general public reluctance to become involved in police business. The analysis of conditions leading to this legitimation includes consideration of a general public pessimism and fear of crime, stereotypy of criminals, the instrumental and pragmatic nature of Crimestoppers, and the appeal of localism, as well as the roles of the media and the police. The paper concludes with questions about some potential long-range social psychological and sociopolitical consequences of this innovation in the “war on crime.”     

School shootings, the media, and public fear: Ingredientsfor a moral panic

Recent shootings at schools around the country have resulted in widespread fear and panic among both students and parents, prompting a myriad of responses to make schools safer. Yet, empirical data suggest that despite the recent shootings, schools remain extremely safe places for children, and school violence is lower today than it was several years ago. The present research focuses on the construction of school shootings as a moral panic, with examinations of the roles played by the media, the public, and politicians in using isolated incidents (albeit heinous offenses) to support their interests. The interactions between these groups and the resultant punitive actions directed toward juveniles are discussed. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

国际人道主义法的危机——驻伊美军虐待俘虏事件的若干法律问题分析

战争的残酷性使得人们更为关注生命尊严的价值,国际人道主义法亦随之得以发展。然而,近期曝光的驻伊美军虐待战俘事件,侵犯了战俘的生命健康权、人格权、中诉及公平审判权,严重违反国际人道主义法,而现行国际法与国内法机制均无法有效地惩罚这种违法行为。因此,为了真正保护国际人权,惩治战争犯罪,应增强国际刑事法院等组织的地位。     

Presidential rhetoric on cybercrime: links to terrorism?

Abstract

Presidents often give speeches about crime issues as a way to convince the public that there are significant problems for which an easy solution can be found. Studies have shown that presidential rhetoric on crime not only influences the public’s perception of the problem, but also the perception of the best solution. More recent research has demonstrated that presidents sometimes draw on the public’s fear of crime as a way to further affect the public’s perception of crime. In other words, presidents link crime with the public’s anxiety about other fearful events as a way to further impact the public’s perception of a problem (and thus further their agenda). This study examines presidential rhetoric on cybercrime to determine if executives link cybercrime with other issues such as national security. The findings provide credibility to both Cavelty’s threat frames approach as well as assertions made regarding the politics of fear.     

U.S. International Broadcasting: The Case of Iran

This article is an examination of the current state of U.S. broadcasting to Iran. It also gives an overview of the structure of U.S. international broadcasting. The author illustrates how under the Bush administration, Radio Farda and Voice of America Persian TV were held accountable for helping to destabilize the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, critics, including those in the Pentagon and a number of congressional members, doubted the capacity of Radio Farda, in particular, to carry out such a purpose because of its entertainment focus. Contrary to self-professed declarations of independence and free and objective journalism, the author argues that the U.S. government uses strict editorial control to restrict its broadcasting entities within the boundaries of its foreign policy objectives.     

Judgeships in the U.S. courts of appeals and in the U.S. district courts: Characteristics of democratic and republican presidential appointees from 1963–1990

The present study examined the characteristics of presidential appointees to the U.S. Courts of Appeals and the U.S. District Courts from 1963–1990. An over‐representation of white, protestant men is noted, regardless of the political party of the appointing administration. Appointees of Democratic and Republican administrations did not differ significantly in terms of law school attended, occupation at nomination or appointment, or American Bar Association rating. The conclusion calls for a more diverse judiciary.     

The Legitimacy of Judicial Responses to Moral Panic: Perceived vs. Normative Legitimacy

In some instances, the criminal justice system is affected by a moral panic; that is, by an exaggerated social reaction to an assumed threat to moral values. When influenced by moral panic, courts demonize defendants and aggravate punishments. Are such responses legitimate? This article argues that by contrast to legitimate condemnation of criminal conduct, demonizing defendants ought never be legitimate. The legitimacy of aggravating punishment requires distinguishing between the sociological concept of legitimacy (“perceived legitimacy”) and the moral concept (“normative legitimacy”). Aggravation of punishment in response to moral panic might be perceived as legitimate since it expresses public perceptions about the severity of the threat to a social value, even when these perceptions are exaggerated; however, punishments that are proportionate to such a perceived, exaggerated, threat to a social value are unjust and unfair, and therefore are normatively illegitimate. When the panic subsides, courts tend to return to lower levels of punishment. The subsidence of the panic enables one to realize that a gap between perceived and normative legitimacy has been created during the panic. Should and can the gap be bridged retroactively in order to gain full legitimacy? One way to bridge the gap is to grant clemency that will reduce the punishment of defendants whose sentences were exaggerated unduly during the panic. The article proposes a more radical mechanism that allows for sentence re-evaluation in cases of moral panic.