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Reconciling Pluralism and Consensus as Political Ideals   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
While consensus is often taken to be the ideal way to secure political legitimacy, a more robust pluralism has many defenders too. We attempt to reconcile arguments for pluralism and consensus. Pluralism ought to be accepted and valued at the simple level of values, beliefs, and preferences. Pluralism at this level can nevertheless coexist with normative, epistemic, and/or preference meta-consensus, all of which have qualities that should attract even pluralists. However, close attention must be paid to the content of meta-consensus and the conditions of its production or discovery.  相似文献   

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We can make progress in political justification if we avoid debates about the extent of moral pluralism. Just by having a political view we are committed to its realization but also to its defence upon justifying grounds. It would be inconsistent to seek to realize my view in ways that undermined my ability to justify it. Yet justifying a view implies that I am open to challenges to it, and that perpetually draws me potentially into dialogue with all others, regardless of my will, and into structures which allow an inclusive dialogue to take place, with decisions being made, on the basis of open public discussion, with which I may disagree. Thus a form of deliberative democracy, probably with representative institutions, is justified, without any normative assumptions being made.  相似文献   

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政治文化与民主化的关系是政治文化理论研究者探讨的重要问题,政治文化理论研究的主要代表们都积极肯定了敢治文化对民主化的推进作用.政治文化与民主化二者之间并不是单向的决定关系,而是互动的多元关系;在政治发展的动态中实现二者的均衡是政治文化与民主化二者关系的运行逻辑.  相似文献   

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Like its American counterpart, Chinese political science is experiencing a similar concern regarding its societal relevance as it attempts to assess and focus on China’s unique political and social concerns. Should Chinese political science tread the same path? Should it pursue a purely methodological positivist approach or should it engage in a more holistic and methodologically pluralistic approach such as that found in public administration? A mixed-methods approach, which includes both problem-driven research and theory-driven research, might be a better way to serve both the discipline and China.  相似文献   

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Colin Tyler 《政治学》1996,16(3):151-157
This paper assesses the special difficulties faced by a liberal democratic system which seeks to maintain its democratic credentials when governing a culturally diverse society. The argument focuses upon the analysis of cultural pluralism developed in two recent pieces of Bhikhu Parekh. After clarifying the nature of Parekh's culturally pluralistic society, the cultural specificity of liberal democracy is examined Finally, Parekh's attempt to reconcile the two through 'operative public values' is shown to be inadequate in such a manner that the ability of a liberal democratic system to ever bring lasting well-being in a situation of cultural diversity is thrown into doubt.  相似文献   

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Grace Davie 《Society》2014,51(6):613-622
This article begins by clarifying the meanings attributed to pluralism; it then places the European case in a global context. The body of the article looks at the management of religious pluralism in Europe in terms of commonality and difference. At one and the same time, Europe is becoming increasingly secular and religiously plural—both trends are important if we are to understand the issues at stake. A close examination of four individual cases (Britain, France, the Netherlands and Greece) reveals, however, that it is important not to jump to conclusions regarding outcomes. Each country must be considered on its own terms. The final section introduces a rather different feature: the European Court of Human Rights, noting its place in the management of religious pluralism. A growing jurisprudence emanating from the Court is becoming increasingly influential.  相似文献   

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Citizenship and Pluralism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
David  Miller 《Political studies》1995,43(3):432-450
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Pluralism and Liberalism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Meta-ethical pluralism, as developed in the work of writers like Isaiah Berlin, is the idea that ethical values cannot be reduced to a single hierarchy or system but are irreducibly multiple. It has often been argued that simply to recognize this fact is to have a reason to favour liberal institutions. On the contrary, the plurality of values in itself gives us no reason to support liberalism, indeed no reason to prefer any particular political arrangement to any other. If pluralism is true, the liberal's best defence may lie in appealing, in the manner of writers like Walzer and Rorty, to the de facro limitations on moral commitments imposed by the existing political culture.  相似文献   

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George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First, he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from Sandall’s own position.
George CrowderEmail:
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In this article I evaluate the conceptions of politics and of 'the political' characteristic of 'radical pluralism'. I argue that in order to comprehend the radically pluralist conception of politics it is necessary to grasp the post-structuralist critique of the philosophical principle of identity. The concern with the interface between politics and ethics – which is typical of the radical pluralist approach – is also explored. Throughout the article contrast is made with the conventional pluralism of American political science. I conclude with a consideration of the importance of radical pluralism, with reference to the difficulties this may present for the methods and suppositions of political science traditionally understood.  相似文献   

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现代社会的风险呈现出复杂性、非线性以及复合性等特征,有效规避与应对风险是提升人类福祉、推动可持续发展的基本支撑。科学有效的风险治理蕴藏着深刻的责任政治逻辑,责任体系的建构赋予风险治理的效能,即明确风险与人类行为之间的因果关系,以负责任的行动消弭风险滋生的土壤;在理解风险的多样性中寻求基本共识,将不同类型的"个体性责任"集结为治理风险的"整体性责任";将责任与风险链条中的各项环节相融合,实现风险治理的"全过程负责"。  相似文献   

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This article reviews the evolution of administrative arrangements in the Northern Territory since the 1970s, covering both the devolutionary phase and, with somewhat more emphasis, the self-government period since 1978. The article centres on the theme of political management which, as in the recent work by Halligan and Power (1992), has become a major focus in the study of Australian administrative reform. Political management involves a 'modernising reform agenda. internal in orientation and concerned mainly with making the organizational and human resources of the executive branch more responsive to the priorities of superordinates' (Halligan and Power 1992: 249). Particular attention here is given to the evolving pattern of relationships between the political and bureaucratic arms of the Northern Territory executive.  相似文献   

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