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1.
《Society》2014,51(3):297-297
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2.
《Society》2013,50(1):81-81
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3.
《Society》2012,49(5):468-468
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4.
《Society》2014,51(1):97-97
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5.
《Society》2014,51(5):567-567
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6.
《Society》2012,49(4):372-372
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7.
《Society》2014,51(6):692-692
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8.
《Society》2014,51(4):423-423
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9.
《Society》2013,50(2):204-204
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《Society》2013,50(4):407-407
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11.
《Society》2013,50(6):635-635
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《Society》2013,50(5):517-517
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《Society》2015,52(6):616-616
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《Society》2013,50(3):311-311
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16.
《Society》2012,49(6):553-553
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17.
Abstract

This article examines the construction of the homo economicus in Argentina in the context of the last military dictatorship (1976–83). While the worldviews of the military and neo-liberal economists of the time were very different, their common concern for distortions in economic and political life made them translatable. These economists provided a new economic identity that would be in tune with monetarist theory, replace ‘distorting’ collective identities and allow individuals to be governed from a distance. I argue that the homo economicus was performed through two sets of tools: consumer campaigns and the financial press. However, individuals did not always behave as expected. The contradictions of neo-liberalism, between its liberalism and its quest to create self-regulating spheres through active government intervention, led to the financial crisis of 1980. Economists later blamed the crash on the irresponsibility of market actors and expressed doubt regarding the self-regulating model they had promoted. In the conclusion, the legacy of the attempt to perform the homo economicus is assessed.  相似文献   

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Electoral systems promote strategic voting and affect party systems. Duverger (Les partis politiques, 1951) proposed that plurality rule leads to bi-partyism and proportional representation leads to multi-partyism. We show that in a dynamic setting, these static effects also lead to a higher option value for existing minor parties under plurality rule, so their incentive to exit the party system is mitigated by their future benefits from continued participation. The predictions of our model are consistent with multiple cross-sectional predictions on the comparative number of parties under plurality rule and proportional representation. In particular, there could be more parties under plurality rule than under proportional representation at any point in time. However, our model makes a unique time-series prediction: the number of parties under plurality rule should be less variable than under proportional representation. We provide extensive empirical evidence in support of these results.  相似文献   

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