The House of Lords and the Northern Ireland Conflict – A Sequel

This article begins by commenting on an analysis undertaken by the late Stephen Livingstone of 13 cases relating to the troubles in Northern Ireland decided by the House of Lords between 1969 and 1993. It then attempts to repeat the analysis in respect of 12 such cases decided between 1994 and 2005. Areas of law arising for consideration during both periods include the rules on the use of lethal force, aspects of substantive criminal law and criminal procedure and the rights of persons arrested or imprisoned. The more recent cases also raise fundamental questions concerning the status and meaning of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The article concludes that there has been a sea-change in the way the Law Lords have handled the Northern Irish cases. From treating them in a way which might have suggested a built-in bias in favour of police, army and government perspectives, they have moved to analysing the competing arguments in the light of more modern approaches to statutory interpretation, the rule of law and human rights.     

Don't Mention the War: The Court of Appeal,the Criminal Cases Review Commission and Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland

Despite the vast transitional justice scholarship relating to prisoner release, amnesties and prosecutions when conflicts end, there is a significant gap in practice and academic literature regarding wrongful convictions. Uniquely amongst post‐conflict societies, Northern Ireland has a body for investigating miscarriages of justice, albeit one designed for ‘ordinary’ appeals. In the absence of a formal truth‐recovery process, criminal appeals are becoming a proxy for addressing the role of the state during ‘The Troubles,’ as well as remedying individual injustices. This article examines the approach of the Northern Ireland Court of Appeal during the conflict. It charts the developments in its decision‐making following the cease‐fires and the establishment of the Criminal Cases Review Commission. It concludes that the current system is unsatisfactory as it ignores the effects of the conflict on the appeal process and offers no insights into the role of the Court during the conflict. Alternative models are suggested.     

Extra-parliamentary behaviour in Northern Ireland: MLAs and constituency service

Little is known about the attitudes and behaviour of Northern Ireland’s subnational legislators (Members of the Legislative Assembly, or MLAs) beyond their activities at Parliament Buildings, Stormont. This article provides the first analysis of MLAs’ extra-parliamentary behaviour through a mixed-methods study of their constituency service. The study finds that MLAs attach considerable importance to constituency service, devoting more time to its provision than to parliamentary duties. Noticeable variation exists between and within parties in terms of constituency service effort, although unionist MLAs tend to have a stronger constituency focus than non-unionist MLAs. Variation in constituency service effort at the individual level has more to do with MLAs’ role orientations than electoral incentives. In terms of their home style, MLAs exhibit local behaviour that is more characteristic of their contemporaries in the Republic of Ireland than their counterparts in the rest of the United Kingdom.     

论作为概念群落的环境权

环境权是环境法学研究的重课题。对环境权的界定涉及对环境法律关系的主体、人与自然之间关系的法学意蕴、传统权利概念等重理论问题的重新理解。环境权不是一个单一的法律概念,而是由三种权利类型构成的统一整体,这三种权利分别为：环境的权利、环境物权、环境人权。三种权利的统一基础则在于通过法律权利衡平人与自然之间和谐的共生关系。     

Making War on Terror? Global Lessons from Northern Ireland

In place of the simple modelling employed in anti-terrorist legal discourse, this article posits an interactive model of the relationship between the state and violent political actors, exploring law's role in both the repression and mobilisation of challengers. Drawing on social movement theory, it hypothesises a process of 'legally implicated mobilisation' which takes account both of law's presence and its partial absence in 'legal grey zones' during violent conflict, and it suggests how law may impact upon key elements of the mobilisation process. The hypothesis is applied to qualitative data from Northern Ireland on violent challengers. The data point to the importance of 'messaging' about law in the state of exception, supporting claims that law can have a 'damping' effect on violent conflict. The relationship between repression and violence is partly symbiotic, and in the global 'war on terror,' prisoner-abuse may have a mobilising effect on violent challengers.     

人权的本性与价值位阶

只讲人权的阶级性 ,否认普遍性 ;只考虑“多数人的人权”而忽视“少数人的人权” ;片面强调“主权高于人权”、“集体人权高于个体人权” ;或只讲“生存权是首要人权” ,忽视政治人权居先的价值地位 ,这些观点都有失偏颇。人权是自然性与社会性、阶级性与普遍性的统一 ,抽象地强调“主权高于人权” ,有可能为以“主权压人权”的专制政权提供理论支持。当今中国的首要人权应是政治人权。     

论人权与基本权利的关系——以德国法和一般法学理论为背景

人权和宪法上的基本权利这两个源自西语的概念,在汉语法学文献中的使用并不统一,这直接或间接影响到宪法引领下的实定法体系内在的系统化和统一性。本文旨在从一般法学理论角度澄清二者之间的区别和关联。本文特别指出,从人权转化为宪法权利要经过四个限缩性过渡——民族国家化、制度化、理性科学化和习俗化。基本权利不仅是人权的制度化,而且它总是包含着以人权为指针,从而最大程度上实现人权的要求。最后,通过运用这一新的分析框架,本文概括性地分析了现行宪法和法律实践中出现的一些问题。     

The Frontiers of Legal Analysis: Reframing the Transition in Northern Ireland

British constitutional legal discourse is structurally limited in its capacity to capture the complexity of the Good Friday Agreement. Rather than assessing the Agreement in narrow devolutionary terms, it should be seen as a hybrid domestic and international law instrument, making an important contribution to accepted international law norms in relation to self-determination. The Agreement transforms and partly transcends the Northern Ireland conflict by substituting political contestation for violent conflict, and by defining the modalities of conducting that contestation. This analysis complements classical international law perspectives, and opens up the application of legal discourses associated with 'transitional justice' to the legal and political transformation in Northern Ireland. These discourses focus on the problem of reconciling the demands of peace with the imperatives of justice. The Agreement sits squarely in this terrain with its provisions on 'dealing with the past' and 'institutional legacies'. The insights gained here challenge orthodox thinking about conflict-management and the ongoing political process.     

从实施人权公约的视角看我国行政判例对人权的保护

从1987年至2006年底,20年间各级人民法院共审结了120余万件行政诉讼案件。与之基本同时,最高人民法院通过创刊于1985年的《最高人民法院公报》,并依据2000年6月发布的《裁判文书公布管理办法》,至2006年底,总共发表了75件具有代表性的行政裁判。这些以公报案例、法公布文书和裁判文书选登等形式发表的行政裁判,已经成为人民共和国的最初行政判例。它们是被誉为重要的人权保障法的《行政诉讼法》正在得以有效实施的证明,不仅代表着中国努力建设社会主义法治国家的切实努力和中国大陆的行政审判水平与行政审判中的人权保护水平,而且展现了中国大陆正在以日益发展的司法手段,努力促进联合国人权两公约中规定的诸项人权的实施,在某些方面甚至正在拓展出新的人权保护范围和规范。同时,也面临着如何把人权保护范围,从主要限于人身权与财产权,平稳迅速地扩展到也受到人权公约保护的诸项社会权利和政治权利的问题。发展人权保障事业与建设和谐社会与和谐世界的新目标具有内在的同一性。行政判例,正在为我国实施经社文公约(CESCR),加入《公民权利和政治权利公约》(CCPR)作出积极的贡献。     

The Open Architecture of European Human Rights Law

The evolution of the European human rights regime is often described as the development of an integrated order with the European Convention of Human Rights as its governing 'constitutional instrument'. It is argued that the regime is better regarded as pluralist - characterised by a heterarchical relationship between its constituent parts that is ultimately defined politically and not legally. The emergence and workings of this pluralist order are traced through the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with domestic courts in the European Union. These cases not only show conflicts over questions of ultimate supremacy but also significant convergence and harmony in practice. The analysis of the factors leading to this convergence indicates that central characteristics of pluralism – incrementalism and the openness of ultimate authority – have contributed significantly to the generally smooth evolution of the European human rights regime. This suggests a broader appeal of pluralist models as alternatives to constitutionalism in the construction of postnational authority and law.     

Accommodating Children's Rights in a Post Human Rights Act Era

This article considers why so little case law currently acknowledges that children have recognisable rights under the European Convention on Human Rights and argues that the family courts are not meeting the demands of the Human Rights Act 1998 in this regard. It suggests that a reinterpretation of the 'paramountcy principle' in the Children Act 1989 should be accompanied by a radically different judicial approach to evidence relating to children's best interests. The article considers the difficulties that such an approach might produce when applied to teenagers intent on refusing life-saving medical treatment. It further argues that the courts should call on the substantial body of rights jurisprudence to provide legal and moral support for this revised approach.     

试析联合国人权理事会与涉朝人权问题——兼及朝鲜人权问题对周边国家的影响

朝鲜人权问题一直受到联合国的关注。2004年联合国人权委员会首次将朝鲜列入了国别人权审议名单;2006年联合国人权理事会取代了人权委员会,建立了普遍定期审查机制,并于2010年对朝鲜进行普遍定期审议;蒙丹篷特别报告员多次提交关于朝鲜的人权报告,引起了国际社会的关注和朝鲜的抗议。而朝鲜自身的人权问题也对其周边国家产生着重大影响。     

The Child in European Human Rights Law

This article examines the category of ‘the child’ in European human rights law, based on an analysis of the child‐related jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. It argues that a full account of legal selfhood is constructed through the notion of ‘the child’ in this jurisprudence. The two notions – of ‘the child’ and ‘the self’ – are, from the outset, mutually dependent. The conceptualisation of ‘the child’ in human rights law is underpinned by an account of the self as originating in another and childhood is cast as enabling self‐understanding by making possible the formation of a narrative about the self. The vision of ‘the self’ that emerges is one of ‘the narrative self’, and I assess the implications of this both for the idea of childhood in which this narrative originates and for the vision of the human condition that is expressed in European human rights law more broadly.     

论逮捕与人权保障

由逮捕的特殊性和人权的重要性决定,二者之间是一种辩证的关系：逮捕存在的根本目的是为保障人权,然而却是以限制或剥夺具体人的基本人权为条件的;从对被害人人权和社会制度角度讲,需要而且离不开逮捕,从被告人人权保障角度讲,要控制和慎用逮捕。二者统一于社会的共同道德和法律基础。尊重人权是人道的,正确地适用逮捕同样是人道的。尤其应当注意对被逮捕者权利的保障。     

美国黑人民权运动内部竞争新论

在美国黑人民权运动的大量著作中,一个基本的主题就是民权组织间的分歧和竞争削弱了民权运动的战斗力.实际情况并非如此.民权运动内部的竞争不仅没有减少反而刺激了更多更激烈的民权抗议行动.因为各民权组织都想超过对方,当它们中有谁在某个领域取得了进展,别的组织就会到处去找寻新的进攻目标.此外,民权组织领导人还不时会利用民权运动内部的分歧来胁迫白人对黑人的变革要求作出积极的回应.这是正常情况下所不可能的.总之,竞争对于直接行动阶段的民权运动来说是大有裨益的,甚至可说是不可或缺的.     

Breach of Confidence as a Privacy Remedy in the Human Rights Act Era

This article examines the impact of the Human Rights Act (HRA) on the current lack of a remedy for non-consensual publication of personal information by the media. It argues that the action for breach of confidence is now ripe for development into a privacy law in all but name and that the normative impetus for this enterprise can be found in the HRA which will require domestic courts to consider Convention jurisprudence. It will suggest that when Strasbourg decisions are examined in the context of more general Convention doctrines, they may be seen to suggest the need for an effective privacy remedy. Drawing upon approaches from other jurisdictions it seeks to demonstrate that principled solutions may be found to the thicket of legal problems associated with such development. It contends that the main objection to this enterprise, the perceived threat to media freedom, is largely misplaced, as analysis at the theoretical and doctrinal levels reveals that speech and privacy interests are in many respects mutually supportive and the areas of conflict small and readily susceptible to resolution.     

"两个人权公约"与我国人权宪政体制的整合

加入"两个人权公约"使我国面临着人权宪政体制与"两个人权公约"的整合问题.在人权宪政理念上,需要对关于人权的传统主流观念重新审视;在人权宪政规范上,以加入"两个人权公约"为契机,修正我国宪法公民基本权利的某些条款,重构我国的人权宪政体制;在人权宪政的运作上,对两个人权公约采取保留、克减措施,发挥我国宪法解释机制的功能,同时,以宪法的司法化为前提,以"两个人权公约"作为我国司法审判的直接依据并建立宪法判例制度.可以预见,21世纪经济全球化趋势必将促进我国宪政人权制度国际化的进一步发展.     

论刑事司法权利的宪法保护

公民受刑事追究时享有一系列程序性权利 ,涉及人身自由和安全的保障 ,属于基本人权范畴。此类权利应当具有防范国家司法权力侵害的防御功能 ,因此仅仅通过刑事诉讼法予以确定和保护是不够的 ,还应当由宪法加以确定和保障。保障公民的刑事司法权利应当是尊重和保障人权的核心内容。借鉴各国宪法的规定以及有关国家宪法实践 ,我国应当完善公民刑事程序权利宪法保护。