Political Constitutionalism and the European Union

What kind of constitution is emerging in Europe? There are two approaches to answering this question. The first, a ‘foundational’ approach, rejects the premise: there can be no real constitution in the absence of a ‘demos’, a foundation which exists only nationally. The second, ‘freestanding’ approach, depicts it as paradigmatic of a broader phenomenon of cosmopolitan constitutionalism, based on individual rights guaranteed through a transnational rule of law. Rejecting both for their failure to account for European constitutionalism as a historical process of polity‐building, a third approach, ‘political constitutionalism’, is proposed, capturing the dynamic quality of constitutionalisation in the EU. From this perspective, what is emerging in Europe is a constitution that reflects a common good (predominantly conceived in economic terms), albeit one which is legally, political and socially contested. It is by capturing this complex picture of the political formation of Europe that the constitutional question will be most fruitfully pursued.     

论政治信任的结构

政治信任不同于合法性,合法性是对统治正当性的提问,政治信任包括政治体系的信任和政府信任,也包括公民之间的信任。信任对象的结构性特点决定了政治信任是不断调整的动态过程,局部的政治不信任并不会危及政治合法性。信任是基于对过去可靠性的对未来的合理预期,信任的这种认知特点决定了政治不信任是政治的前提和常态,政治信任要通过否定之否定来建构信任。     

再议宪政

18世纪晚期以来,民主一直是人类政治生活的主题,民主化进程成了社会进步的主要评判标准,然而,实现了民主并不能保证没有了政治迫害,现实的民主远没有实现人类赋予它的使命。民主不能使任何个人的利益都得到切实的实现和保障。为了切实的保障个体的权利和利益,人类在反对一切特权民主的同时不得不对民主本身(民主本身也是一种特权,多数人的特权)加以限制,这就是宪政。那么宪政的真正涵义是什么?宪政的基本精神是什么?它与宪法到底是什么样的关系?宪政与民主到底是什么样的关系?本文将就这几个问题作出初步的回答。     

政治教育的内涵及其在思想政治教育中的应有地位

历史上任何统治阶级,总是要通过各种方式和途径把自己的政治思想注入到社会中去,用以支配人们的思想和行动,实现统治的目标。政治教育是其中一种重要方式。政治教育是教育根据统治阶级和受教育的需要,有目的有计划地采用直接或间接的手段传递政治化以形式和发展受教育的政治素质进而促进社会明的社会实践活动。政治教育是思想政治教育中的核心内容和重要组成部分。在新时期,应避免政治教育的失位,也要防止政治教育的泛化。科学理解政治教育的内涵,正确认识和区分政治教育与政治社会化、政治化、思想教育、道德教育、人教育的区别与联系,以全面加强和改进思想政治工作。     

Toward a political economy of post-Fordist punishment

This article suggests some new lines of research in the field of the political economy of punishment and some possible new directions for a critical approach to contemporary social control strategies. The starting point is the transition from a Fordist economy to what can be defined as a post-Fordist system of production. I outline some tendencies in the actual capitalist dynamic (concerning the labour market, the production process, the relations between the workforce and capitalist power and between work and social citizenship), suggesting that a renewed political economy of social control has to deal with them. Two tendencies are assumed to be structural. On the one hand, the tendency of the capitalist system to make the production (and extraction) of surplus-value more and more independent of the effective working time (a tendency toward the reduction of human labour in the productive process). On the other hand, the tendency towards the massive introduction of new technologies: a tendency whose main consequences seem to be the intellectualisation of human labour and the decline of the classic distinction between manual and intellectual labour. I assume that these tendencies give rise to a new productive subject (the multitude), whose characters exceed the actual organisation of work and deepen the contradictions intrinsic to post-Fordist societies. Hence, an analysis of some new social control strategies follows, where I consider actuarialism as a technology for the control of these contradictions

施米特对魏玛宪制的反思及其政治宪法理论的建构

施米特政治宪法理论是其保守主义政治思想体系的重构成,也是魏玛德国国家法理论流派中极具挑战性的一支.施米特理论具有明确的魏玛宪制处境,基于对魏玛代议制之思想基础、制度安排与实践表现的全面批判,重申了民主的同质性原理,弱化了民主的自由主义程序属性,为其政治决断论、绝对宪法论和领袖护宪论的连贯性理论建构提供了历史和思想前提.施米特政治宪法理论以其独特的政治概念和宪法概念为逻辑支点,以非常政治为情境预设,以政治同质性和单一领袖人格为理想目标,形成了相对系统的理论体系.该体系具有浓厚的政治神学背景,缺乏可资借鉴的“转型原理”,但在政治宪法核心概念与分析体系上具有重的思想和方法论启示.     

社会进步视野中政治制度的功能分析

政治制度能够为物质文明的发展提供制度保障,为精神文明的创建奠定制度框架,为调节相互冲突的政治利益关系设置制度安排。政治制度对于社会进步的重要意义由此得以凸显。     

Tilting at Windmills? Truth and Illusion in ‘The Political Constitution’

This article examines the constitutional scholarship of John Griffith. Centring on Griffith's seminal article 'The Political Constitution', the analysis reveals a more complex and pessimistic thinker than the standard image of Benthamite radical would allow. The article then examines the cogency of Griffith's vision – particularly his thesis that rights discourse 'corrupts' law and politics – against recent developments. It concludes by reflecting on Griffith's radical debunking style.     

“异姓不王”的传统国宪规范及其悖论与破解

传统政治哲学中“赐姓命氏”的实质就是授予治理权,“异姓”被视为“异德”,不得分享治理权.以西周初年宗法分封为标志,传统政治实践逐步确立了“异姓不王”的国宪规范,其精神实质是“家国一体”、“家国同构”的“家天下”理念,终极目的在于维护最高治理权独家垄断的治理秩序.不同朝代的治理者以不同方式对“异姓不王”加以重申和宣示,但基于特定政治局势也或多或少地有所突破,封异姓为王,从而形成了“异姓不王”的政治悖论.古代政治家和法律人运用政治法律智慧,通过一系列行为、制度和手段对这一悖论进行了破解,使华夏文化政治共同体在治理集团内部权力分肥这一重大问题上得以“安身立命”.“异姓不王”的政治悖论及其破解表明,传统国宪的实际运行会出现表达与实践相背离的悖论现象,但是这种悖论本身也构成了传统国宪的一部分。     

对知识分子政治问题的思考

知识分子政治问题事关全局。本文从知识分子阶级属性谈起。知识分子作为工人阶级一部分,基本的要求有两方面,一方面要使知识分子有与工人阶级平等的社会和政治地位,做到“政治上充分信任,工作上放手使用,生活上关心照顾。”这个方面我们取得的成效令人称道,当然还需要继续加强;另一方面,知识分子要增强工人阶级意识,坚持工人阶级立场,自觉担负起工人阶级历史使命和历史责任。这个方面虽然做了大量工作,有相当多成效,但还面临许多问题。本文列举了大量调查事实和实例加以分析,着重说明了在社会主义市场经济条件下,如何解决好知识分子思想政治倾向问题,理想信念问题,工人阶级意识问题等,是一个新课题、难题,忽视或解决不好后果严重。需要按照“三个代表”的理论加以研究和解决,对此本文作了初步分析。     

Income transfers,entrepreneurial effort,and the Coase theorem: The case for efficiency reconsidered

The Coase theorem asserts that private bargaining can overcome the difficulties posed by an externality situation and lead to a first-best allocative solution. For such idealized efficiency to be achieved, however, it is generally recognized that certain very special conditions must be met—including the assumption of zero transaction costs. In opposition to this view, the paper argues that the special simplifying conditions usually specified in the literature are not sufficient. Unless stringent supplementary conditions are introduced, private bargaining will not bring about a first-best solution. Indeed, if the standard assumptions are met but the supplementary conditions of the paper are not, government intervention in the externality case can be expected to produce a solution that is Pareto superior to the one generated by private bargaining.     

论国家荣誉制度的宪法基础

国家荣誉是国家元首以国家名义授予的荣誉，在一国荣誉体系中具有最高权威性。国家元首授予是国家荣誉制度的宪法基础，但是国家荣誉制度的具体安排视各国宪法体制规定。我国在国家荣誉授予上已有一定的历史经验，在国家荣誉制度立法中要注意几个问题：增加国家荣誉种类，完善国家荣誉体系；扩大国家荣誉的适用范围，限制地方性荣誉的授予；理清国家荣誉授予标准，扩大国家荣誉授予对象；完善国家荣誉推荐、审查、授予、剥夺、恢复、处罚等程序。所以，国家勋章法应改为国家勋章奖章法，统一规范勋章和奖章的授予行为，暂不规定国家荣誉称号，而行政奖励法则规范行政机关授予荣誉及物质奖励行为。     

论私有财产权宪法保障体系的构建

私有财产权的宪法保障问题一直以来为学界所关注和讨论 ,但是具体如何保障 ,理论上缺乏系统的构建 ,而这正是修宪之前亟待解决的问题。应当紧扣“权利保障”这一内核 ,深入探究私有财产权的应有价值内涵 ,在此指引下构建一套系统化的宪法保障体系。这对于转型时期我国的市场经济建设和民主法治建设具有相当深远的意义。     

论犯罪构成与犯罪阻却事由的关系

从刑事立法角度而言 ,犯罪阻却事由与犯罪构成是基于同一虚拟事实所设定的具有不同内容要求的法律规范形式 ,两者是一种并列关系 ;从刑事司法角度而言 ,犯罪构成与犯罪阻却事由是基于同一事实而引用的具有不同价值取向的价值评价体系 ,两者是一种基础与上层的关系     

Internal validation of the 7500 Real Time PCR System for use in forensic casework in Hellenic Police

According to guidelines of the quality assurance standards for the forensic DNA testing laboratories, prior to introducing an existing DNA analysis procedure, reliability of the procedure has to be demonstrated by carrying out internal validation. In order to introduce a sensitive and accurate DNA quantification method in our laboratory, a validation study of the 7500 Real Time PCR System (Applied Biosystems) using the QUANTIFILER Human DNA Quantification Kit (Applied Biosystems) was performed. Here we report the results and the experience we have gained during this internal validation study.     

政府部门考核制度对生态环境的负影响及对策

在现行政府部门考核制度强化考“绩”的影响下,部分公务员形成了浅显盲目的政绩观,他们为实现短期的、局部的和表象的政绩,片面强调经济的高速增长,大兴“形象工程”,对生态环境造成很大程度的破坏。对此,本文提出了加强公务员“德”的考核,塑造其“价值人”理念;变革公务员考“绩”指标,建立“绿色”考绩体系等对策。     

《欧盟宪法条约》框架下的欧盟机构改革

2004年 10月,欧盟各成员国在罗马签署了《欧盟宪法条约》,这标志着欧盟政治一体化进入了一个崭新的阶段。该条约涉及欧盟政治与经济生活的方方面面,其中最令人关注的莫过于其对欧盟机构体系所进行的改革。《欧盟宪法条约》对欧盟机构体系改革规定了诸多内容,但改革中仍存不足。     

人民法院的审判依据

人民法院以什么样的规范为审判依据,是事关国家法制统一和宪法体制的重大问题。准确理解审判依据,一方面要从人民法院与其他国家机构的宪法关系、国家主权、法制统一和审判权独立行使的高度,揭示它的概念与特征;另一方面,要从与法的渊源以及法院适用法的比较中界定它的范围。人民法院的审判依据应当仅仅限于法律的层面。在立法、审判和认识中,将行政法规、地方性法规、自治条例和单行条例乃至司法解释、行政规章、公共政策、社会公德和宪法等法的渊源不加分析地视为审判依据的情形,应当尽快得到纠正。     

Engagement processes in model programs for community reentry from prison for people with serious mental illness

Linking prisoners with mental illness with treatment following release is critical to preventing recidivism, but little research exists to inform efforts to engage them effectively. This presentation compares the engagement process in two model programs, each representing an evidence-based practice for mental health which has been adapted to the context of prison reentry. One model, Forensic Assertive Community Treatment (FACT), emphasizes a long-term wrap-around approach that seeks to maximize continuity of care by concentrating all services within one interdisciplinary team; the other, Critical Time Intervention (CTI), is a time-limited intervention that promotes linkages to outside services and bolsters natural support systems. To compare engagement practices, we analyze data from two qualitative studies, each conducted in a newly developed treatment program serving prisoners with mental illness being discharged from prisons to urban communities. Findings show that the working relationship in reentry services exhibits unique features and is furthered in both programs by the use of practitioner strategies of engagement, including tangible assistance, methods of interacting with consumers, and encouragement of service use via third parties such as families and parole officers. Nevertheless, each program exhibited distinct cultures and rituals of reentry that were associated with fundamental differences in philosophy and differences in resources available to each program.     

中国区际法律冲突解决路径探析（下）

“一国两制”所实现的是一种特殊形式的国家统一，这为我国区际法律冲突的产生奠定了坚实的政治和宪法基础。“特殊形式的国家统一”从根本上决定了我国区际法律冲突不是一般意义上的区际法律冲突，也决定了我国区际法律冲突的科学解决必然具有自己的鲜明特色。