马克思对资本主义理性化的分析和批判

马克思作为影响后现代理论家对资本主义批判的无法绕过的重要人物,虽然他没有使用过“理性化”或“工具理性”等词语,但他的著作中也蕴涵着对资本主义理性化批判的丰富思想。本文拟从工具理性张扬及其导致的非理性后果,资本主义价值理性的发展和局限,理性化与对内奴役和对外侵略扩张在逻辑上的互补、一致,理性化导致非理性的根源及其解决等方面进行挖掘和梳理,从而与韦伯的理性化思想进行比较,以回应西方学者对马克思的批评．对当前的全球化形势有更清醒的理解。     

资本主义批判与社会正义——生态马克思主义与有机马克思主义的政治旨趣

生态马克思主义和有机马克思主义在制度批判、现代价值观批判以及政治批判上,有着相同的政治哲学立场,这种旨趣使得两种生态政治理论具有一种先在的同源共约性.然而,从产生的自然伦理价值、地理空间和工业化发展程度上看,两者也都带有一定的后现代主义色彩.对我们的启示在于生态社会正义不能仅限定在资本主义革命的政治解放意义上,更重要的应该是文化价值观念的转型与人类命运共同体的建构.     

Neo-liberalism and the Decline of Democratic Governance in Australia: A Problem of Institutional Design?

This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar ('thick' and 'thin') forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the 'thick' pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the 'thin' (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades.     

State Building and Capitalism: The Rise of the Swedish Bureaucracy

The purpose of this article is to answer the following question: When did Swedish bureaucracy arise? That is, to determine a point in time when the organizational technology that Weber called bureaucracy became dominant in the process of Swedish state formation, as well as when bureaucracy finally replaced the feudal form of government based on the authority of nobility and the hierarchical ties of individual loyalties. The importance of this question relates to the debate on the sequential logic of economic and political development. The change from an aristocratic/particularistic to a bureaucratic/universal state apparatus can be understood as a change from despotic to infrastructural state power. Most empirical material indicates that, in terms of institutional structure, the transition to a bureaucratic administration started in the 1850s. Contrary to what most Swedish historians have argued, the Swedish state remained feudal and particularistic all they way up to the mid-19th century. If any particular decade is key to this transformation, it would be the 1870s. By then the last of the noble privileges had disappeared, a uniform salary system had been introduced, and the various state apparatuses had begun reorganizing toward a higher level of efficiency and rationality.     

市场经济与资本主义——论资本主义的反市场经济实质

自由、平等和互利合作是市场经济的基本价值理念和内在需求。资本主义在实现剩余价值最大化的目的驱动下,最终走向非平等的剥削和非自由的垄断,资本主义的实质是反市场经济。资本主义从私人垄断到国家垄断,再到国际垄断的发展过程,也是为应对和缓和与市场经济价值理念和内在要求日渐冲突的过程。把市场经济等同于资本主义或认为资本主义是市场经济适宜的社会制度,都是一个误区。     

后现代主义:晚期资本主义的文化逻辑

作为一种广泛流行于当今西方社会的哲学文化思潮,后现代主义在国内学界也引起广泛关注.但究竟什么是后现代主义,后现代主义是怎样产生的,在对这些基本问题的认识上国内外学界存在着诸多分歧.杰姆逊从马克思主义哲学的批判思路出发,把后现代主义的产生与资本主义的历史性变迁联系起来,将后现代主义界定为晚期资本主义的文化逻辑,从总体上对后现代主义进行了比较客观的分析.     

The Proof of Capitalism: Usher's Celebration of the Status Quo

In The Economic Prerequisite to Democracy , Dan Usher tries to prove that capitalism is necessary for the survival of democracy, defined as majority rule by means of a popularly-elected legislature. Usher assumes that this survival requires general agreement both on the legislative majority-rule method and on certain substantive issues. This assumption turns out to be doubtful. Usher believes that the issues most likely to provoke serious disagreement are 'assignment' issues; that is, those issues which involve the stability of the positions assigned to individuals in the economic rank order. Some of his reasons for this belief do not seem valid, although the belief is somewhat plausible. Usher asserts that to prevent serious disagreement from disrupting legislative majority rule, assignment issues must be largely decided by a 'system of equity'. Usher's reasoning here is unconvincing. Finally, Usher states that (the present form of) capitalism is the only practicable system of equity. This statement is open to doubt. Usher has not proved that capitalism is necessary for the survival of democracy. One implication of Usher's argument is that major reassignment by the legislature will be strongly opposed by the economically superior ranked. Another is that some of the most important issues—assignment issues—should be largely kept out of the legislative majority decision; in other words, democracy must be curtailed in order to survive.     

The Decline of the Swedish Model

The international literature on the Swedish model has failed to realize the severity of its economic crisis. The Swedish malaise is entirely home-made and started much earlier than international commentators realized. The sharp downturn in the performance of the public and private sectors in Sweden is a result of the overemphasis on the public sector, upsetting the earlier established balance between markets and politics. Since 1975 Sweden has been ruled by a distributional coalition that has not yet provided reforms that can take the country out of its economic difficulties.     

The Wages of Intimate and Anonymous Capitalism

The spirit of capitalism is a sentimental reflection of its practice, and the practice envisioned by the likes of Adam Smith and other early proponets of capitalism assumed an intimate commerce among friends and neighbors. With the advent of the industrial revolution and the development of the modern corporation, commercial relationships increasingly became anonymous, with the result that the sentimal forces that once shaped capitalism withered, leaving a crude, uncomplicated form of self-interest in their place.Drawing on economic history, classic works of political economy, and personal interviews, I tell the story of these two competing visions of capitalism, the intimate capitalism of the old world (a phenomenon still visible in small town America, today) and the anonymous capitalism of contemporary commerce.     

Explaining Capitalism: The Method of Marx's Political Economy

The central thesis of this article is that Marx's explanation of the significant phenomena of the capitalist economy draws upon a basic theoretical syntax of a determinist/latent functionalist type. This conclusion has three consequences. First, it extends the range of functionalist explanation in Marx beyond its traditional loci, namely the theory of history and the analysis of the role of the state and other institutions in stabilizing capitalism, into the very heart of Marx's project, his political economy. Secondly, it has a powerful, though indirect, impact on our understanding of what might loosely be called the normative component of Marx's writings in as much as it identifies a specific sort of unfreedom peculiar to capitalist society. Thirdly, it shows just how great a challenge is mounted against Marx's project by those who seek to recast its method of explanation along methodological individualist lines. For if the first two points are accurate, rational-choice Marxists are drawn into a critique of both the explanatory and normative core of Marxism.