英国新工党欧盟政策评析

自从英国新工党执政后,对欧盟政策作出了实用主义的调整,在欧盟经货联盟和共同安全与防务等几个方面都有了积极变化.本文分别就英国新工党在欧盟几个领域的具体政策变化进行了分析,认为新工党越来越深入地参加欧洲一体化建设,既要在欧洲联盟中谋求领导地位,迫不得已让渡一部分国家主权,又对欧盟怀有戒心,守护英国的国家利益不至于受到损害.这一思想将一直贯穿于新工党的欧盟政策之中.     

新工党与2001年英国大选--兼论工党与保守党的共识政治

英国保守党的衰微为布莱尔的再次当选以及新工党的第二届任期铺平了道路.但是,由于新工党长期奉行实用主义策略,尽管它试图走出与保守党趋同的怪圈,但它仍然不得不遵循英国两党共识政治的逻辑.     

"新工党"新在何处?

自20世纪80年代后期以来,英国工党加速了现代化的步伐,与过去的工党相比,发生了脱胎换骨的变化,而被称为"新工党"."新工党"的"新"表现在它的背景、角色、立场、手段和策略、共识、学习范式、制度、风格和态势、政治文化、社会政策等诸多方面都发生了不同以往的深刻变化.     

冷战后澳大利亚工党和新西兰工党的新变化

自20世纪90年代以来,澳大利亚工党和新西兰工党在思想理论和纲领方面进行了一系列调整。对全球化、市场经济和国家等问题也有了新的见解,同时对各自国家的经济和社会政策进行了调整并取得了一定的成果。     

英国新工党的选举改革及其影响

经过英国新工党的选举改革,长期以来在英国实行的简单多数选举制(FPTP)已经演变成以FPTP为主、多种比例代表制方式并存的混合选举制度。英国新工党近八年的选举改革实践,给英国选民、政党、政府甚至整个社会政治生活带来了深远的影响,致使威斯敏斯特模式面临考验。     

英国的政党财政改革及其对新工党的影响

新工党自1997年上台以来,一直致力于推动英国的政党财政改革.《政党、选举与全民公决法》(PPERA)付诸实施以及选举委员会成立至今,英国两大主要政党仍面临不同程度的财政困境.菲利普斯报告虽然勾勒了新工党政府新的政党财政改革蓝图,但由此引发的争论却使工会与新工党的关系遭遇严峻考验.种种迹象表明,新工党正在经历由"大众"政党向"卡特尔"政党的转变.     

澳大利亚工党变革的现状及态势

澳大利亚工党是澳大利亚的主要政党之一。工党多次执掌国家政权,在澳大利亚政治舞台上发挥着重要作用,这与其自身的不断变革密切相关。当前,工党对其价值与目标进行了提炼,进一步明确了党的性质和工作方向;定期革新党的纲领和政策,完善党内法规建设;调整党员结构,加强党组织的中央权威;改革党内决策机制,扩大党员决策参与权;适应新形势的发展,改革社会福利政策,积极制定环保政策,不断增强政党的适应性和竞争力。     

毛里求斯工党的民主社会主义实践

毛里求斯工党是毛里求斯独立后的主要执政与参政党。它结合毛里求斯特殊国情,推行民主社会主义的实践:在政治上,推行共识政治;在经济上,因地制宜发展经济、追求充分就业;在社会政策上,推动社会全面发展、建设福利国家,取得了一定成效。不过,工党的民主社会主义政策也面临着全球化的挑战。     

英国外交转型和中英关系

<正>联合政府中的两党在平衡美欧关系上相互掣肘,英国的外交转型暂时只能从新兴国家寻求突破。11月9～10日,英国首相卡梅伦中国之行,并没有在中国引起特别大的反响,在英国却极受关注,尤其是10月份,挪威方面重新提起中国人权议题,把卡梅伦访华放在了利与义的选择中。但唐宁街10号强调的是,此次访华派出了50名高官和贸易代表。相对应的,中方也更多地将其视为一队豪华贸易代表团,而     

The Emperor’s new clothes: Labor reform and social democratization in Chile

This article analyzes the relationship between political and social democratization in recent democratic transitions by illustrating how the two processes were at odds in the case of labor reform in Chile (1990–2001). Labor reform served simultaneously to consolidate political democracy and slow down the momentum of social democratization. It was a tool for signalling policy change to legitimate the democratic regime, but at the same time leaving the liberal economy intact. The Chilean case calls into question the thesis of a natural progression from political to social rights prevalent in democratic theory, and allows us to generalize about the way marketization places limits on democratic deepening. The article first discusses what would be appropriate criteria of social democratization considering contemporary labor issues and labor relations in Chile. It then investigates the political process of labor reform. Ongoing legal debates through the 1990s show the extent of path dependence set in motion by the timid nature of the first social reforms in Chile’s new demoncracy and their muting effect on citizenship. Louise Haagh obtained her doctorate from the University of Oxford (St. Antony’s College) in 1998, and for the next three years held a British Academy Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the College. In 2001 she began a lectureship at the University of York.     

Economic agendas old and new and chinese administrative reform

Facing new agenda economic development issues, China like other developing states is forced to coordinate policies regionally. As need for decentralization “downward” stretches to include delegation “outward,” Beijing must find its best response to the new trend. Four tests reveal no reason for China to stay aloof from simple Membership in Pacific-Asian regional organizations. Three tests reveal no problem with China taking an Activist role in such regional organizations. Three final tests reveal potential costs China would pay for seeking a regional Leadership role, especially before Beijing's post-succession direction is determined.     

Labor law as an impediment to labor relations reform: Leveling the playing field

The primary professional society of American public administration has developed a code of ethics that appears to be largely irrelevant to the realities of bureaucratic experience. An explanation of this paradox can be found in the sociological literature on the professions and code-writing. Professional codes are designed to reyulate the behavior of a profession's members, but this is generally seen as a secondary aspect of a more fundamental objective: the need to assure the public at large that the profession's power is being exercised responsibly. From this perspective, the public administration code can be interpreted first as part of an attempt to legitimate the profession in the face of hostile challenges to its authority, and second as an effort to engender ethical behavior. Such an interpretation helps to explain the profession's failure to confront the organizational and political barriers that impede effective implementation of the code. The paper concludes with an observation on the implications of the argument for the further development of ethics in public administration.     

Labor Migration and the Philippine Labor Market

Abstract

Based on recorded data, the Philippines has experienced the largest outflow in Asia of both permanent emigrants and migrant labor over the last three to four decades. The number working and living abroad has reached almost 8% of the population and the yearly outflow of workers bound for an increasingly varied destinations and occupations is about 14% of the labor force. The paper discusses the rising scale and changing structure of migrants and explains these by three interacting factors that make for labor market flexibilityan extensive market-based educational system, active employment service industry and migration's own backward and forward linkages. Further discussed are the economic implications of the migration and some rigidity in the education market that tends to pull down returns to migration.     

巴西劳工党及其"劳工社会主义"

巴西劳工党是拉美最有影响的左派党之一,它所主张的"劳工社会主义"可以说是具有巴西特色的社会主义.尽管劳工党目前处于执政地位,但它并不认为巴西现在是社会主义国家,而认为巴西仍是一个资本主义国家,也不认为卢拉政府所执行的政策是社会主义政策.但巴西劳工党认为,应该提出一个新自由主义的替代方案,建立一个超越资本主义秩序的新社会,而建立一个主权和民主的巴西,则是为建立社会主义而斗争的组成部分.     

Labor Standards and Labor Market Flexibility in East Asia

Since the 1980s, de jure labor standards have improved in Northeast and Southeast Asia and de jure labor market flexibility has decreased. For most countries in the region, however, de facto labor standards are much worse than de jure standards, and de facto flexibility is much higher than de jure flexibility. International pressure has rarely produced meaningful change in either labor standards or labor market flexibility. Authoritarian regimes have proven the most immune to international pressures to improve labor standards and to increase labor market flexibility. The most significant improvements to labor standards usually follow democratization, with international influences working in tandem with domestic pressures. International actors have had little effect on improving labor standards in semi-democracies, with the exception of Cambodia, but progress there depended on a carrot, not a stick. Demands by the international financial institutions to increase labor market flexibility have been minimal, with the notable exception of South Korea. Both democracies and authoritarian regimes have adopted laws that reduce labor market flexibility, and domestic political concerns rather than international influences were the primary driving force.     

老挝革新政策20年的发展与走向

1986年11月,老挝人民革命党的四大根据老挝的国情和国际形势,提出要推行革新政策,以此为标志,老挝进入了革新时期.2006年3月,老挝党召开八大,全面总结了20年的革新政策实践过程,并对继续坚持革新政策提出了新的要求.     

从印度"经济改革之父"到新总理--曼莫汉·辛格

5月13日,印度大选揭晓,国大党出人意料地击改了执政的印度人民党.更让人意想不到的是,国大党主席索尼娅·甘地竟然宣布不出任新政府总理.这在印度国内引起轩然大波,究竟谁是新总理人选成为人们关注的焦点.5月19日,72岁的曼莫汉·辛格被总统卡拉姆任命为印度总理,也是印度独立以来的首位锡克族总理.辛格的任命宣布后,即将执政的联合进步联盟以及支持联盟的左派政党纷纷表态支持.印度工商界和投资者也普遍看好这位有"印度经济改革之父"称号的国大党高级领导人.辛格以印度经济的"解放者"而闻名,他先后辅佐过英·甘地、拉·甘地和拉奥三届国大党政府,是国大党三朝元老,也是印度政坛最不带政治色彩的人物之一.