共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 312 毫秒
1.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):277-296
Questions persist regarding the robustness of cross-sectional estimates of effects of variables that are themselves endogenous
to the participation process. On one hand, the consequences of working on a campaign have interesting implications for democratic
society. Less benign, however, is the possibility that failure to control for reciprocal processes leads to biased estimates
of the causes of campaign participation. I use a panel of Democratic and Republican contributors interviewed following each
of the past three presidential elections (1996, 2000, and 2004) to explore the relationships between campaign participation
and three variables typically parameterized as predictors of participation: receiving a contact, ideological extremism, and
strength of party identification. The effect of strength of party identification on campaign participation proves robust;
however, I find that nearly all of the associations between contacts and participation and ideological extremism and participation
appear to extend from, not into, participation and past participation.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |
2.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
相似文献
Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
3.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
4.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
5.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
6.
The paper provides a test of Zaller’s reception and acceptance model. The theory describes conditions under which a political
message is received, and, if received, accepted or rejected. The study deals with the 1988 Canadian election that was fiercely
fought over one central issue, the Free Trade Accord with the United States. We use the 1988 Canadian Election Study campaign
rolling cross-section survey, and we test Zaller’s propositions about who is most likely to receive and then accept party
messages. Our findings provide little support for the model. We suggest that when an issue is hotly debated in an election
campaign voters who receive party messages are able to connect these messages to their values and predispositions whatever
their level of political awareness.
相似文献
André BlaisEmail: |
7.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
8.
Caroline Joan ?Picart 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(3):221-228
Derrick Bell’s work challenges the dichotomy that separates legitimate legal reasoning from “mere” fiction through hybrids
that play across science fiction, Platonic dialogue, and autobiography. Despite its merits, I argue that Bell’s position reifies
and strengthens, rather than deconstructs, structures of tyranny; it maintains the problematic rhetorical construction of
United States race relations in terms of the black–white divide, either alienating, or leaving little or no room for other
racial groups constructively to revise power and identity. In contrast, bell hooks’, Mari Matsuda’s and Robert Chang’s work,
though tentatively sketched, construes current race and gender relations in terms of a chiaroscuro of power, rather than a
simple dichotomy.
相似文献
Caroline Joan (Kay) PicartEmail: |
9.
Diqing Lou 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):167-190
This paper is interested in the decline of congressional voting in urban China. Classic studies in comparative politics long
argue that with economic development, countries would experience increased level of political participation. Employing the
1993 Social Mobility and Social Change Survey and 2002 Asian Barometer Survey, I found congressional voting in urban China
declined substantially in the past decade. With the analyses of the Probit Model and Generalized Linear Model, I contributed
this decline to the disappearance of sociopolitical institutions that used to serve critical conduits for citizens’ participation.
I argue that although economic development produces more resources to encourage participation, overall political participation
actually declines in urban China and the public opts to withdraw from politics.
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
Diqing LouEmail: |
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
10.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
11.
12.
James M. Avery 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):327-342
In contrast to what we know about the sources of political trust among whites, recent research suggests that political mistrust
among blacks indicates discontent with the political system. The current study adds to research investigating racial differences
in political trust by examining racial differences in the influence of the 2000 United States presidential election on political
trust. Specifically, I test for whether whites and blacks adjusted their trust in government in response to the Supreme Court’s
decision in Bush versus Gore (2000) and whether the influence of the Court’s decision on trust was dependent on partisan identification. The findings
indicate that blacks perceived the Court’s decision as illegitimate, reinforcing their mistrust in their political system.
相似文献
James M. AveryEmail: |
13.
Citizens’ juries are a form of “minipublics,” small-scale experiments with citizen participation in public decision-making.
The article presents a theoretical argument that improves understanding relating to the design of the citizens’ jury. We develop
the claim that two discourses on democracy can be discerned: the deliberative and the pluralist. By looking at the design
features of citizens’ juries we conclude that they are based on pluralist reasoning to a far greater extent than most authors
seem to realize, and that the association with deliberative democracy is therefore one-sided. Based on empirical findings,
we attempt to shed further light on the actual operation of citizens’ juries. Observations of two recent Dutch juries suggest
on the one hand that a learning process and a positive effect on the sense of political involvement occurred. On the other
hand, we saw a certain level of groupthink in one of the citizens’ juries, and found that the juries are not greatly representative
in terms of political preferences. Our findings point firstly to a need for greater awareness among the organizers of juries
of the two democratic discourses. This would lead to more consistent jury design. Secondly, our research emphasizes the need
for more hands-on critical research of minipublics.
相似文献
Dave HuitemaEmail: |
14.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
15.
Robert Carle 《Society》2007,44(6):147-154
Nowhere is the fear, guilt, and pain of Germany’s dreadful past more evident that in contemporary debates over immigration
policy. This debate has pit successive Christian Democratic Union politicians, who define Germany in ethno-nationalist terms,
against the German left, which seeks to replace the volkish national tradition with a post-national multicultural identity.
Ethno-nationalists and multicultural post-nationalists speak powerful, but mutually exclusive, moral languages that galvanize
large segments of the German public. At the national level, extremists rarely succeed in Germany’s immigration debates, and
the legislation that prevails represents a chaotic mix of liberal and nationalist policies.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
16.
Audrey Boctor 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):99-118
This paper argues that Rwanda’s decision to abolish the death penalty should be viewed in a wider context rather than as a
mere result of top–down pressure from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Part I traces the creation of
the ICTR and the breakdown of negotiations as a result of the exclusion of the death penalty from the ICTR’s jurisdiction.
It then outlines Rwanda’s efforts to prosecute the hundreds of thousands of individuals accused of committing genocide-related
crimes and notes the limited and steadily decreasing role the death penalty actually played within Rwanda. Part II discusses
Rwanda’s legislation abolishing the death penalty and argues that both international pressure and local historical and political
forces influenced the decision. Part III situates Rwanda’s story within a growing paradox of excluding the death penalty from
international criminal tribunals for the most serious crimes while national jurisdictions maintain it. It concludes that as
in Rwanda, any perceived or potential impact of international criminal law in national jurisdictions must be measured in light
of local circumstances.
相似文献
Audrey BoctorEmail: |
17.
Luis E. Lugo 《Society》2007,44(6):109-112
Americans are not as religiously divided on foreign policy questions as they are over such hot-button, culture war domestic
issues as abortion and gay marriage. Nevertheless, surveys suggest that Americans’ attitudes on several foreign policy fronts
are consistent with a religious worldview. This analysis draws primarily on the findings of various PRC polls to examine the
relationship between religion and three areas of foreign policy: the role of the USA in the world; the nature of international
obligations; and the morality of war.
相似文献
Luis E. LugoEmail: |
18.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
19.
Collective Action and Citizen Responses to Global Warming 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper expands the relevance of the collective interest model of mass political action to explain collective-action behavior
in the context of global warming and climate change. The analysis is an attempt to answer Ostrom’s call for a behavioral model
of collective action that can be generalized beyond political protest to other collective-action problems. We elaborate, specify,
and empirically test a collective interest model approach to citizen policy support, environmental political participation,
and environmental behavior related to the issue of global warming. Key elements of the collective interest model—perceived
risk, personal efficacy, and environmental values—are found to be directly, and positively, related to support of government
policies and personal behaviors that affect global warming. We also discuss the links between the collective interest model
and other important approaches to political behavior.
相似文献
Arnold VedlitzEmail: |
20.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |