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1.
国家公职人员中存在的腐败现象有着深刻的历史文化背景。中国社会几千年封建专制历史所形成的"差序格局"中的熟人社会交往方式,对当前的公职人员的工作与处事方式有着根深蒂固的影响。西方社会中影响深远广泛的是"契约论"精神,形成了分权制衡的格局,有利于公民权力空间的成长。当前中国社会经济的发展促成了公民社会的逐步形成,中国传统的伦理观念已难以适应公共交往领域,治理公职人员的腐败行为要大力培养民众的公民意识,尤其公职人员自身的公民意识和公民伦理道德观念,从而保障国家和政府职能的正当行使和公民权益的实现。  相似文献   

2.
This article addresses an issue previously neglected in the research on support for populist parties: How do perceptions of the local quality of government (QoG) and local service delivery affect voters’ propensity to vote for a populist party? It argues that personal experience with poor QoG makes voters more likely to support populist parties. The argument highlights the interplay between supply and demand factors in explaining populist support and discusses why populist parties have been particularly successful in certain regions in Europe. A unique dataset from the Quality of Government Institute that surveys citizens’ perception of QoG in their area is used to estimate both individual‐ and regional‐level models of the link between perceived local QoG and populist support in Europe. The empirical results show a strong and robust association between within‐country variation in QoG and support for populist parties.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

A central hypothesis in the articulated rationale inspiring the war on terror suggests that failed states play a key role in the international terrorist nexus and require external intervention and guided democratization. This logic is based on two related premises; first that there is a direct link between failed states and international terrorism, second that democratic governance reduces the recourse to terrorism. This article suggests that there is no causal link between failed states and international terrorism and that the asserted ability of democratic governance to catalyze a reduction in terrorism is exaggerated if not wholly inaccurate.  相似文献   

4.
This paper examines narratives of assimilation and belonging as activists attempt to position Arab-Americans as citizens and full members of the American polity. In interviews with activists, the experience of the Irish as immigrants and citizens was often invoked as the paradigmatic example of how immigrants are incorporated as citizens—an example that activists promoted as one that Arabs would follow. By invoking the Irish experience, activists hope to remind Americans that immigration history is not one of effortless assimilation, but is rather characterized by systematic exclusion and marginalization. In so doing, they articulate narratives of assimilation and belonging that draw attention to (1) a shared history of immigration, marginalization, and acceptance, (2) the importance of civil rights movements that may seem to distinguish immigrants from a mythic mainstream whose race and ethnicity go unmarked, and (3) the ways in which the American experience is based on the acceptance of cultural differences predicated on shared political values of community. We argue that these strands of the narrative draw on themes in the national myth of immigration, belonging and citizenship, but that they are braided in ways that challenge many Americans’ views of their history.  相似文献   

5.
This article investigates the working of the 1999 Act of Parliament in relation to the electoral process. One of the more controversial measures in the 1999 Act was the preservation of the representation of the hereditary element in the House of Lords. In the 2007-2008 session of Parliament, Lord Avebury introduced the House of Lords (Amendment) Bill, to repeal this electoral process, and Lord (David) Steel of Aikwood introduced the House of Lords Bill, which had provisions to the same effect as Lord Avebury's Bill. The working of this electoral process is therefore likely to be a topic of debate in the 2008-2009 session of the House of Lords. We suggest that there are three possible options to deal with the likely future issues for this electoral process. These we present as a contribution to a wider debate on the way forward for this constitutional issue.  相似文献   

6.
The government plans to amend the royal succession rules by making primogeniture gender blind and ending marriage to a Roman Catholic spouse as a disqualification for succession. Achieving these goals means that the UK is dependent on the agreement of the fifteen Commonwealth countries—the ‘realms’—that also have the Queen as head of state. The article questions whether these proposals go far enough when leaving intact other religious discriminatory rules hostile to Catholics and all others who cannot be in communion with the Church of England. It is maintained that a political disinclination to address and, as necessary, challenge the real as opposed to the formal position of the Church of England vitiates the government's approach. Moreover, it is asked whether the policy process itself should not become more open and democratic both within the UK and between the realms.  相似文献   

7.
程颢的人性论是学界研究的难点,有多种观点并存。要正确理解程颢的人性论,需要结合他所面临的辟佛与弘扬儒学的文化背景。为了批判佛性论,他吸取告子"生之谓性"说以肯定人的自然之性。他继承并发展孟子的性善论,使其在理论上更加完善。程颢对自然之性和仁义之性皆持肯定态度。然而,自然之性和仁义之性毕竟有所不同,前者杂气禀而有善恶,后者不杂气禀而至善。未能处理好两者的关系,是程颢人性论的不足之处。  相似文献   

8.
随着国家治理现代化建设的推进,我国政府治理模式经历了管理型政府向服务型政府的转变。洛克有限政府理论在保护公民权利、实现政治国家与市民社会互动等方面具有积极的现实意义,但有限政府不一定等同于服务政府,在面对不同时期、不同国情下的市场失灵问题以及权衡德治与法治、自由与平等、作为与不作为等现实问题时,有限政府理论具有自身的局限性。而服务型政府必然是一个有限政府,洛克所提出的自然权利、社会契约以及权利让渡所构成的有限政府理论,对于新时代构建服务政府仍然有很强的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

9.
灭绝种族罪的行为,必须指向特定的群体,这个群体需要具备生命性、文化性、固定性和发展可能性的特征,只有符合这个特征的群体才能够认定为属于本罪所保护的群体的范围。灭绝种族罪的对象应分为种族、民族、族裔和宗教团体四种类型,政治团体并不是该罪的犯罪对象,仅消灭或者摧毁某个团体的全部领导层的行为也不能构成该罪。  相似文献   

10.
随着中国城市化进程的发展,城乡结合部的公共管理问题成为理论界和政府关注的一个焦点问题.本文在分析城乡结合部特征及其发展阶段的基础上,阐述了不同时期和阶段城乡结合部公共物品提供的主体、责任与机制问题.  相似文献   

11.
滑莹 《学理论》2010,(7):105-106
民事权利及其体系自始随着社会经济发展而不断发展变化,民事权利体系的构建始终是民事权利研究的关键问题。如何构建出一个较为完善的民事权利体系,最大程度地将已有的民事权利合理地收入其中并尽可能地适用于未来的新兴民事权利是民事权利体系化研究的重点。必须从一个新的角度来构建民事权利体系,并且将目前的新兴民事权利细分后纳入这个体系。同时也可以将未来的新兴的民事权利细分后列入体系,使体系的相对稳定性得以保持。  相似文献   

12.
新中国成立70年来,社会福利制度体系经历了深刻的变迁。尝试从社会权利视角出发,通过构建福利资格准入、福利制度安排和福利结果的解释框架,对四个历史阶段的社会福利制度演变进行梳理和分析,可以发现:新中国的社会福利制度经历了国家主义统揽、发展主义主导、新世纪初期政策扩张和新时代政策深化的变迁过程,并面临严峻的现实挑战。为了建构新时代中国特色社会福利制度体系,应该克服福利发展上的认知悖论,重视福利制度安排的积极作用,着力解决福利责任主体不清的问题,形成多元的社会福利供给模式,并通过改变社会福利制度碎片化格局,构建统一公民身份的社会中国。  相似文献   

13.
The Sea of Japan Zone (SJZ) is an area that has been shaped essentially by transnational relations between the localities of western Japan, northeastern China and the Russian Far East. The emergence of this new type of space, based on interlocal cooperation, is a significant aspect of what could be called the ‘new’ regionalism, i.e. the polymorphous and multicen‐tred movement that is affecting international relations today as opposed to its more rigid version of the late 1950s. The shape of the new regionalism reflects the transformation of international relations in general: this particular regionalization process, that gave shape to the SJZ, is linked to the transnationalization of local actors. The idea of creating the SJZ, in the late 1960s, was first an external answer (interlocal cooperation) to an internal problem (uneven development in Japan). It became a reality some twenty years later as Russian and Chinese localism eventually converged with Japanese localism. Despite important domestic differences the need for local actors around the Sea of Japan to look outside for better development conditions made the synergy possible. It produced a new regional entity that needs to be defined and, for that purpose, that could be compared to other transnational zones in East Asia or even in Europe. Their common characteristic appears to be a functional approach to regional cooperation.  相似文献   

14.
数字经济是以数字化原料为劳动对象,利用数字化劳动资料进行生产活动的经济形式,在此基础上,数字技术经由企业分工协作体系的重塑推动着生产社会化的发展。依据马克思主义政治经济学原理,以企业分工协作为切入点,通过剖析企业间网络化分工协作和企业内部数字劳动过程,可发现并阐明数字经济下生产社会化中的最新进展及其双刃剑特性。该性质表明:数字经济既可以推动生产活动向社会化方向发展而代表更先进生产力,同时也会激化企业分工与社会分工、生产社会化与生产资料私人占有之间的矛盾。由此表明,数字经济下的生产社会化演进必将呈现出企业分工代替社会分工,以及所有制形式由生产资料私有制向公有制形式转变的发展趋势。  相似文献   

15.
The subject matter of the analysis in this paper is jus in bello and the very possibility of its existence. On the face of it, the concept that in the event of the outbreak of hostilities, the use of force against one's opponent should be somehow regulated and limited, which is stranger, and its origin is more difficult to explain, than the concept that human societies should live together in peace or that wars should only be begun on some ethical or legally acceptable grounds. It is likely that limits on the use of force, or at least pressures to keep it within a ritualized framework, are property of human beings that enabled our ancestors to live together as social animals. Something similar would have been applied for groups of such beings. Even though the tendency to regulate the use of force in war has existed in the earliest times, this is not a simple task and sets against this effort there are a number of factors that encourage the freest use of violent methods and weapons: The war is a serious business and the desire to win at all costs is very strong, the logic of war leads the combatants to employ all the forces that can be freed from elsewhere and make use of all available advantages and means, a combat is an emotional mater not only rational, etc. Against these forces, the factors that work in favor of the legal regulation of the use of force are: The existence of at least a basic common identity, a situation in which war does not have the characteristics of total war, ear of reprisals by the enemy, the principle of proportion of force used to the objectives, the existence of an approximately comparable moral code and warrior code of honor on both sides, and the need to legitimize war. The extent to which a given war will abide by legal regulation of the use of force depends on the result of the balance of the opposing factors listed above.  相似文献   

16.
This article offers and evaluates a theoretical framework for the appraisal of the third sector's evolution in Russia. Its history in the preceding 50 years is presented as a successive change of three models—latent growth, import-dependent and rooted—each regarded in four dimensions: developmental driving forces, sector structure, dominant organizational culture and relations with the state. The character and change of models are explained proceeding from the demand/supply characteristics of resources and institutions of the sector. Major attention belongs to the rooted model, which is presently taking shape. This versatile and problem-laden process is analysed on the basis of civil society monitoring conducted with the authors' participation since 2006. This analysis reveals rather intensive import substitution of the resources and institutions of the sector and the emergence of prerequisites for its sustainable development. Their implementation depends, however, on the state of the economic, social and cultural environment and requires elimination of some political obstacles.  相似文献   

17.
本文是对我国工作歧视现象的研究。本文分析了我国工作歧视的形式,分析了工作歧视产生的原因,并且提出对策。本文认为,国家的作用在我国反工作歧视中至关重要,国家不仅要完善立法和执法,还要规范自身的用工行为,清理和及时废止与劳动者平等就业权相悖的法律法规,承担生育成本,培育劳动者自身组织的力量等等。  相似文献   

18.
马克思视野中的“人”是人的抽象和人的现实的统一。具体表现在人的抽象是人的现实的价值评判尺度和根本方法;人的现实是人的抽象的特殊表现;人的抽象在人的现实发展中生成。马克思关于人的抽象与以往传统人学中抽象的人有着根本的区别,其出发点和归宿点不同。马克思在这个问题上的根本变革在于两者在实践基础上达到了统一。马克思关于人的抽象和人的现实关系的学理层面的意义在于,人学研究要把人学的基础理论和人的现实问题结合起来;实践层面的意义在于,以人为本要实现共性和差异、整合和分解的统一。  相似文献   

19.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(3):347-371
Abstract

This article seeks to sketch the contours of a good society, distinguished by its gender justice and the plural recognition of egalitarian difference. I begin by reconstructing Nancy Fraser's arguments highlighting the link between distributive justice and relations of recognition, in particular as it applies to gender justice. In a second step, I show that the debate on the politics of recognition has confirmed what empirical analyses already indicated, namely that Fraser's status model takes too reductive a stance towards the identity-constituting effects of relations of recognition. The simple demand that identities be recognized, however, glosses over the paradox of recognition, which arises out of the ambiguity between the demand for equal respect and the demand for the recognition of difference. This paradox cannot be resolved unless one takes into consideration the compensatory effect of value pluralism, that is, the inherent pluralism of recognition, well captured in the notion of "egalitarian difference".  相似文献   

20.
构建治安工作社会化发展模式,是当前社会治安形势发展的必然需求。它是以社会发展规律为依据建立起的全民参与的新型治安工作模式。保障模式运行的法律体系、引领模式运行的公安机关警务模式、维护模式运行的评估体系、辅助模式运行的计算机信息体系等,是新型模式运行机制建设的重要内容。  相似文献   

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