共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Philip Hanson 《欧亚研究》1999,51(7):1141-1166
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主权是国家的基本属性,是一个国家在国际体系中拥有的生存和发展的权力.中国为了争取国家主权经历了艰难曲折的历程.经济全球化作为主权的一种异化力量,必然要求让渡国家主权,从而对主权带来威胁和挑战.应对这种威胁和挑战,中国应该进行理性的选择,拓展和开创国家主权的运作途径,使中国在融入国际一体化的进程中维护和保障国家主权. 相似文献
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STEPHEN SHULMAN 《欧亚研究》2003,55(2):217-239
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Laura El-Katiri 《发展研究杂志》2014,50(1):22-34
AbstractThis article outlines the core features of a particular, resource-led development model, the oil-rich guardian state. Its key distinguishing feature from other resource-rich economies consists in its strong economic welfare objective function, which in line with its exceptional oil wealth renders its population amongst the wealthiest nations in the world. However, the guardian state also illustrates some of the negative externalities associated with resource wealth, namely the policy dilemma of directing seemingly abundant financial resources into the economy. The state faces a high propensity for waste, and for the systemic dilution of market incentives, thereby rendering sustained and self-generating economic growth more difficult than in less resource-rich economies. 相似文献
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Azamat K. Junisbai 《欧亚研究》2014,66(8):1234-1252
Despite robust, and much touted, growth, Kazakhstan's economic system enjoys only tepid support among large swathes of the population and is viewed by many as neither fair nor legitimate. Extreme juxtapositions of new wealth and new poverty against a historic background of economic and social egalitarianism combine to make this a potent and combustible issue. Women, ethnic Slavs, the poor, people in urban areas most afflicted by post-Soviet de-industrialisation, those who feel they have lost out in the transition to a market economy, and those who are pessimistic about their financial prospects are more likely to question the legitimacy of the current economic system. Because scepticism about the distributive system contributes to political and social strife, these findings provide grounds for concern about Kazakhstan's long-term stability. 相似文献
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Erik Wibbels Kenneth Roberts 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2010,45(4):383-409
Researchers widely recognize that economic crises have important political consequences, yet there is little systematic research
on the political factors that make nations more or less susceptible to economic crisis. Scholars have long debated the economic
consequences of party systems, executive powers, and societal interest groups, but their relationships to crisis proclivity
are poorly understood. We assess the political correlates of economic crisis using a cross-sectional time-series analysis
of 17 Latin American countries over nearly three decades. Crises are measured along two dimensions—depth and duration—and
disaggregated into three types: inflationary, GDP, and fiscal crises. Statistical results suggest that political institutions
have a modest, and often unexpected, correlation with crises. More important than institutional attributes are social organization
and the nature of party-society linkages, particularly the existence of a densely-organized trade union movement and/or a
powerful leftist party. Strong unions and powerful parties of the left are associated with more severe economic crises, though
there is some evidence that the combination of left-labor strength can alleviate inflationary crises. The results demonstrate the need to disaggregate the concept of
economic crisis and incorporate the societal dimension when studying the political economy of crisis and reform. 相似文献
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Matthew McCartney 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(8):1236-1237
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经济全球化与中国经济安全 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
吴舒丹 《当代世界与社会主义》2001,(6):53-56
21世纪经济全球化加快发展.经济全球化给各国带来的经济利益是不平衡的.经济全球化的负面效应,使中国在融入世界经济一体化的同时,面临很大风险和代价.中国如果要趋利避害,保证自身经济安全,就必须将发展放在首位.速度和国力质量是保证中国经济安全的根本. 相似文献
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钱箭星 《当代世界社会主义问题》2003,(4)
经济全球化是一个矛盾统一体 ,存在着几对主要矛盾 :一是全球化与“反全球化”的矛盾 ;二是全球化体系中“中心”与“外围”的矛盾 ;三是社会主义与资本主义的矛盾。从这些矛盾的运动和发展趋势中可以理解人们对全球化爱恨交织的矛盾心理。 相似文献
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