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1.
自然权利理论的不彻底性、法律权利论证的脆弱性要求我们为权利的来源与基础提供一套坚实可证的解释。权利的来源与基础应当从历史、社会的角度去认识,而不能脱离这一环境。从人类社会的历史看,权利是人们斗争的结果;如同市场中的交易,是社会可供资源与人类本能需求的契合。也正如交易一样,由于信息的不对称和地位的差异,一定社会时期内的权利并不总是在供求的最佳结合点上。因而,无论是政治与公民权利还是经济社会文化权利,既取决于社会制度、物质资源的发展,也取决于精神文明领域的进步。  相似文献   

2.
In Australia, land rights legislation provides statutory schemes for the transfer of land to Indigenous peoples. The first significant land rights legislation was passed by the Australian Commonwealth government in 1976. This was the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act (ALRA) 1976 (Cth). In 2006, the Australian Commonwealth government passed significant amendments to the ALRA. One of the key amendments introduced the leasing of Aboriginal ‘township lands’ held under that Act. It is these leasing amendments which are a focus of this article. A primary motivation behind the amendments was to decrease poverty in Indigenous communities and to allow for economic development on Aboriginal lands. This article critiques the township leasing scheme under the amended Act. It questions whether the new leasing arrangements are the most appropriate forms of leasing to achieve economic development on Aboriginal lands and to benefit the Aboriginal communities who hold these lands. In 2008, leasing amendments were passed to Queensland's statutory land scheme in the Aboriginal Land Act 1991 (Qld) and these amendments are subject to review in this article. Furthermore, the article examines alternative forms of leasing used for economic development on Indigenous reserve lands in Canada and whether there are lessons that Australia could learn from these tenures and their modes of leasing.  相似文献   

3.
Buried Alive   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Watson  Irene 《Law and Critique》2002,13(3):253-269
Indigenous peoples struggle to survive the policies of the colonial states and their ability to annihilate, make invisible, destroy and re-construct our ancient identities. This is my story. I am an Indigenous women to the country known now as Australia. I write from the inside, about our law and life ways which hare buried alive by a dominant colonizing culture. The tale of terra nullius, its capacity to bury us and its own capacity to survive and go on burying us is told. It is a story which has a resonance beyond Australia, one that can be found throughout the world wherever there is struggle for the future of the planet, wherever there is struggle for diversity, and resistance to being consumed by corporate greed and complicit states. It is finally a story about hope for a way forward, and moving in a clear direction. A direction without illusion, one that braves the truth as to our future as diverse peoples of colour, laws and cultures, the bearers of generations to come. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   

4.
少数人权利及其保护的平等性   总被引:28,自引:0,他引:28  
少数人作为弱势群体的一部份 ,其权利日益受到各国的关注与重视。然而 ,在对少数人具有重要意义的经济、社会、文化权利上 ,各国却有不同的看法 ,本文在比较了各国在权利问题上的文化传统和近现代的各种平等理论之后 ,分析指出在以经济、社会、文化权利为核心的相当一部份权利上 ,各国政府应当在避免形成“反向歧视”的前提下 ,采取积极措施 ,让少数人有更多机会参与社会竞争 ,实现社会整体的平等和更公正意义上的平等  相似文献   

5.
Critical Criminology - This article challenges state-sponsored violence in Australia by exploring the experiences of young Indigenous people in youth detention and refugees in immigration detention...  相似文献   

6.
论文化权利的宪法保护   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公民的文化权利与公民所享有的政治、经济和社会权利一样,都是公民作为国家和社会主人翁所必须享有的法律利益。我国是社会主义国家,保护公民权利是社会主义事业一贯的宗旨。从宪法角度来保障公民的文化权利,最主要的是应当加强相关的制度建设。应当在宪法文本中明确文化权利的基本权利宪法地位,明确国家和政府在保障文化权利方面应当承担的职责或义务,加强对文化权利的平等性的保护以及应当制定文化基本法律,来保障文化权利的实现真正做到有法可依。  相似文献   

7.
以人权为核心度量发展的四个维度   总被引:4,自引:1,他引:3  
人权是发展的根本目的,也是发展的手段。缺失人权精神的滋养,发展就会丧失方向,失去灵魂。发展是一个扩展人权的全面过程,包括政治、经济、社会和文化发展四个维度,要知悉发展的"质量"如何,就必须以人权为基点进行度量。以政治权、经济权、社会权和文化权四项基本人权来度量发展的四个维度,是一个"四位一体"的复杂的相互关联体系,是一个全新的、相当重要却长期被人忽视的评价标准模型。  相似文献   

8.
This study analyzes the transformation of legal consciousness associated with the process of globalization. It examines changing conceptions of injury and compensation in northern Thailand, where global economic and cultural flows have had a dramatic impact over the past twenty years. In their "injury narratives," ordinary Thai people describe the harm they have suffered, the causes they identify, the issues of responsibility with which they struggle, the obligations and remedy systems they consider relevant, and the role of law as they perceive it. These accounts, as well as litigation records from the Chiangmai Provincial Court, suggest that a transformation of Thai legal consciousness has indeed occurred, but not in the direction one might have expected. Rather than embracing liberal legalism or conceptualizing their grievances in terms of rights, injury victims in post-globalization Thailand are now less inclined to perceive their experiences in legal terms and more inclined to rely on a new form of religious discourse in which Buddhist precepts justify the injured person's decision to refrain from the pursuit of compensation. This article offers an explanation of why globalization appears to have pushed legal consciousness in the direction of religiosity rather than rights.  相似文献   

9.
In colonial nations, such as the land called Australia, the two registers of settler and Indigenous jurisdictions compete at the level of symbolic certainty. In Lacanian psychoanalytic theory neither can arrive at perfect symbolisation but the struggle and the proximity to their arrival can evoke anxiety. What insists to keep this anxiety at bay, in non-Indigenous Australia, is what Jacques Derrida calls justice. As an impossible object, similar to the Lacanian object petit a, justice must be interminably animated to hold this object of desire in play. Humiliation of Indigenous people in Australia is, I argue in this article, one mode of this play. I interrogate the psychoanalytic discussions of anxiety by Freud and Lacan to consider firstly what might be the cause of anxiety for contemporary non-Indigenous Australians and secondly how this anxiety is ‘played out’ on the bodies of Indigenous people through practices of humiliation. As one example of this work of humiliation I consider several scenes of police practice in the Sydney suburb of ‘Redfern’ from the 1991 documentary Cop it Sweet.  相似文献   

10.
Indigenous peoples face a number of hurdles intaking cases to Australian law courts. In thecase that the social and economic problems canbe overcome, they face problems related to theintellectual structures of the court and thelanguage and philosophical beliefs that thecourt systems are based on. Derrida shows thatWestern metaphysics privileges speech overwriting, and this counts against indigenouscultures in which narrative knowledge is a formof writing. Due to this privileging, there is adifferend involving the courts and indigenouspeoples which makes the achievement of justicedifficult in the legal arena in Australia. Thisarticle questions whether the courts are thecorrect bodies to deal with indigenous issues.The achievement of justice is made moredifficult again by the truth-producing effectsof legal decisions, which render native titleas a weaker form of property right. Finally,indigenous Australians are caught in a catch-22situation, in which in order to receivejustice, they must Westernise their thought toadapt to the court system, and yet not allowany Westernisation of their culture. Such aWesternisation can be forced upon indigenouspeoples by the truth-producing effects oflanguage.  相似文献   

11.
The universality of human rights is undermined by the principle of territorial supremacy. This allows member states of the EU to discriminate against those who are not citizens of the Union. Moreover, the European Convention on Human Rights and the EC Race Directive are incapable of redressing collective racial or ethnic disadvantage because they do not provide for the enforcement of positive social, economic and cultural obligations. These limitations are assessed in the light of current political and legal developments, using as the main illustration the case of the European Roma. An analysis is provided of obligations to respect, to protect and to fulfil social rights, which could be used when challenging the actions of public authorities and securing access for individuals to public facilities and services. An inclusionary approach would emphasise that equality is central to human rights, and that 'outsiders' such as migrant workers and asylum-seekers have human rights.  相似文献   

12.
李雪平 《法律科学》2004,22(3):31-35
经济全球化促使人们充分享有迁徙自由这项不可剥夺的基本人权的同时,更促成了移徙工人的群体规模,从而使移徙工人权利保护成为国际人权法的一项重要内容。以中国农民工为例,移徙工人在其迁徙地的经济和社会发展中作出了巨大的贡献,但其所应当得到的与其所付出的存在着严重的不均衡态势。从长远来看,必须高度重视人类社会生态链中移徙工人权利保护这一环。  相似文献   

13.
J. E. Penner 《Ratio juris》1997,10(3):300-315
The author argues that the interest theory of rights is clearly preferable to the choice theory of rights and that this is due in large part to the work of Raz and MacCormick. Critical scrutiny of their views, however, reveals a flawed conception of the way that rights reflect interests. The author contends that a superior relation between rights and interests can be formulated, in which rights are identified with a constellation of norms within a normative system which reflect the interests which justify them, but wherein rights are not coextensive with interests conceived as reasons for the imposition of duties.  相似文献   

14.
This essay offers a critical examination of use of the term “long civil rights movement” as a framework for understanding the legal history of the battle against racial inequality in twentieth‐century America. Proponents of the long movement argue that expanding the chronological boundaries of the movement beyond the 1950s and 1960s allows scholars to better capture the diverse social mobilization efforts and ideas that fueled the black freedom struggle. While not questioning the long framework's usefulness for studying the social movement dynamics of racial justice activism, I suggest that the long framework is of more limited value for those who seek to understand the development of civil rights, as a legal claim, particularly in the first half of the twentieth century. The tendency of long movement scholars to treat civil rights as a pliable category into which they can put any and all racial justice claims is in tension with historical understandings of the term. Susan Carle's Defining the Struggle: National Organizing for Racial Justice, 1880–1915 suggests an alternative approach. Her detailed and nuanced account of a period in American history when racial justice activists understood civil rights as a relatively narrow subset of legal remedies within a much broader struggle for racial equality indicates the need for an alternate history of civil rights—one that places the evolving, contested, and historically particularized concept of civil rights at the center of inquiry.  相似文献   

15.
A recent quantitative evaluation of mainstream criminological research found that there is a dearth of research on “Indigenous peoples in the criminal justice context” conducted in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States and published in elite criminology journals while these nations continue to incarcerate Indigenous peoples at markedly disproportionate rates. Although the silence prohibits public attention to this social issue, counter-colonial critics have mostly focused on criminologists who deliberately marginalize Indigenous peoples through use of inappropriate research methods. This study is a first attempt to quantify the use of “silencing research methods” in contemporary mainstream criminology. It involves a comprehensive review of research published in elite criminology journals over the past decade (2001–2010). The findings reveal that although mainstream criminologists generally prefer non-silencing research tools, they primarily employ silencing research methods when studying Indigenous peoples. Also, studies that focus on Native American peoples use silencing research tools more often than studies on other disproportionately incarcerated social groups, i.e., African and Hispanic Americans. The study concludes that by using “silencing research methods,” elite mainstream criminology has contributed to the marginalization of Indigenous peoples to varying degrees in all four countries over the past decade.  相似文献   

16.
论宪法社会基本权的分类与构成   总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13  
郑贤君 《法律科学》2004,22(2):3-11
社会基本权是宪法基本权利体系中的重要组成部分 ,区别于自由权。到目前为止 ,它还是一个比较笼统的概念和指称。依据文献研究方法 ,兼采理论与司法实务见解 ,社会基本权应进一步区分为 :经济权利、狭义的社会权利和文化权利 ,且不同类型的权利在各国得到承认和普遍化的程度不相一致。与自由权相比 ,各种社会基本权还只停留在指导原则和宪法委托阶段 ,其司法救济程度还比较低 ,主要依赖立法裁量和行政措施  相似文献   

17.
由于条约实施机制存在缺陷,《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》所规定的社会权在国际层面一直得不到有效救济。这一状况对国际人权保护的连贯性和整体性产生了长久的负面影响。2008年12月10日,联合国大会通过了《(经济、社会和文化权利国际公约)任择议定书》。在缔约国报告程序之外,议定书还确立了个人来文程序、国家来文程序、调查程序三位一体的准司法性权利救济程序。这将会大大加强对个人社会权的国际保护,结束社会权与公民权国际保护不平衡的局面,进一步完善国际人权法体系,从而推动国际人权保护事业的发展。  相似文献   

18.
王德新 《北方法学》2010,4(6):120-124
我国自2001年批准加入《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》以来,有关经济、社会和文化权利是否具有可诉性的问题一直存在争论。近年来,经济、社会和文化权利具有可诉性的观点开始得到越来越多的国家的支持。立足于我国国情,从多方面完善经济、社会和文化权利保障制度,并在对经济、社会和文化权利进行分层分类的基础上,探索经济、社会和文化权利可诉性的理论和制度,将是法律制度发展的一条可行道路。  相似文献   

19.
Using condominium owner and landowner narratives about their property, I consider how people answer the question, What does it mean to own something? These property narratives are framed around three sets of social practices, myths, and beliefs which I call rites of identity, rites of settlement, and rites of struggle—the rites of ownership. According to these narratives, ownership requires that the person possessing the property carry out these rites. Their sense of entitlement—ownership rights—is framed by these rites. Following the rites makes one a deserving property owner. Property rights are seen as protectors against arbitrary, unpredictable changes in status that violate these owners, sense that they are entitled to keep what they had worked so hard for and planned for so long. I conclude with a discussion of the value of property narratives for understanding the link between law and culture.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract:  This article argues that in developing social rights to counterbalance economic freedoms, the EU has begun to reformulate traditional notions of rights. Instead of creating rights in their traditional individualised, negative, judicially enforceable, and fault-based form, a new proactive model is emerging, which aims at institutional change, based on the notion of the active citizen and the centrality of participation in both rule formation and enforcement. It is argued that while this model has important advantages, its weakness lies in its dependence on political will. The challenge is therefore to ensure that proactive strategies are firmly centred on fundamental rights rather than political discretion. Part I briefly sketches the development of social rights in the EU; Part II examines the applicability of Third Way ideology; Part III considers European employment strategy and gender mainstreaming, asking whether they represent a dynamic new manifestation of fundamental rights at work, or a betrayal. Part IV applies a similar evaluation to the EU Charter.  相似文献   

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