政治态度:涵义、成因与研究走向

政治态度是重要的政治心理现象,它体现了人们看待和反应政治现象的方式,是政治科学家解释政治行为的一种工具.政治态度作为政治人对政治目标与政治情境的认知、情感和行为倾向,具有内隐性、习得性、整合性、持久性、中介性等特征,包含政治功效感、公民责任感、政治信任感、政治疏离感等类型,其形成和变化的原因相当复杂.     

政治社会化:涵义、特征、功能

本文试图从分析政治社会化的各种不同定义入手，在把握其本质、特征的基础上，进一步分析其功能，力求对政治社会化有更全面深刻的理解。文章将政治社会化的各种不同定义归纳为五种观点，即社会教化论、个体学习论、文化传承论、政治传播论、社会环境论，并进而揭示了政治社会化的内涵。将政治社会化的特征概括为政治性与社会性的统一，内化与外化的统一，能动性与受动性的统一，阶段性与连续性的统一，共同性与差异性的统一。认为政治社会化具有传播功能、教育功能、实现功能、变革功能     

网络政治社会化的涵义、特点及影响因素

网络作为一种新的政治社会化媒介,在人的政治社会化进程中正产生日益深刻的影响。相对于传统意义上的政治社会化媒介,网络政治社会化具有空间拓展性、信息交互性、过程复杂性、成效非稳定性、互动有效性、方式"在线化"等特点。正确认识网络政治社会化的内涵和特点,准确把握网络政治社会化的影响因素,科学利用网络顺利实现公民的政治社会化,有助于促进国家政治稳定和政治发展。     

论现代政治秩序构建与中国政治发展的推进

政治秩序要求政治系统保持高度的稳定性.政治主体只有通过政治秩序的构建来保障发展的实现,当代中国政治发展过程中通过在社会主义政治制度完善和发展的基础上创新政治秩序的运转机制;加强公民社会建设实现政治体系全面有效运行;扩大公民有序政治参与实现权力与权利的有效运转等方面的措施是推进现代型政治秩序实现的有效路径.     

政治文明:涵义、特征与战略目标

政治文明作为整个社会文明的重要组成部分 ,是人类自进入文明社会以来 ,改造社会、实现自身完善和提高过程中创造和积累的所有积极的政治成果以及与社会生产力相适应的政治进步状态。政治文明具有阶级性、复杂性、动态性和民族性等特点。要实现社会主义政治文明建设的战略目标 ,应在政治民主化、政治法治化、政治科学化、政治公开化、政治高效化、政治清廉化和政治文化世俗化等方面不懈努力。     

刍议亨廷顿的政治秩序论

亨廷顿立足于实际发生于第三世界国家政治舞台上的现状，针对正统现代化论和现代化修正论这两种理论，提出了第三派学说，即强大政府论，或称政治秩序论。亨廷顿认为发展中国家的现代化会导致不稳定，城乡差距是政治不稳定的根源，不平等会导致动乱等。亨廷顿指出，欲根除国内政治的动荡和衰朽，这些国家必须建立强大的政府，建构具有吸纳能力的政治体系，缔造强有力的政党，加强政治改革等。     

政治稳定治理模式革新的秩序力重组与疏浚

要使政治秩序达到最佳的运行状态,必须对政治稳定的治理模式进行不断地调适,而秩序力是驱动政治秩序发展和运转的最直接力量,因此,对秩序力进行适时的优化重组,对其运行的阻力给予及时的疏浚排解,是推动政治稳定治理模式革新的一条重要路径。根据社会秩序原理和治理现代化的愿景,对秩序力的优化路径要秉持和采用三种理念及策略。(1)政治暴力上,追求霸道与王道悖论性矛盾的现代性和解与功能互补,即适度消减"霸道",适时增加"王道",实现二者的包容性、现代性和解与融合。(2)政治权力上,保持党和政府在"国家—社会"关系中的持续性、阶段性强势交叉互动并动态调适,即在国家与社会关系上,适度推行"大政府—大社会"的阶段性双强治理模式;在政党与社会关系上,保持"强政党—强社会"的持续性双强治理模式。(3)政治权威上,推进从法理型权威到生态型权威的更高阶升级,重点厘清几点认识:多中心治理不是去中心;权威的形塑不仅限于党内也不仅依靠历史合法性资源;维护权威不仅限于单向度交往;包容性治理不仅仅是政府对民众的仁爱。     

发展中国家的政治秩序建构:以宪政来规范和保障民主

发展中国家的政治秩序建构面临着路径选择的问题。由于民主与政治秩序、国家能力之间的张力,民主在大多数发展中国家的运行存在困境。民主具有非自足性特性,即民主作为一种制度不能自我运转,作为一种价值也不能自我实现。它依赖于宪政的保障。宪政为解决政治争端提供了一个制度框架,可以实现权力的有序传承和增强国家能力,从而能有效地规范和保障民主制度的运转和民主价值的实现。通过宪政建设来推进和保障民主才是建构政治秩序,实现政治发展的可行之道。     

论公共服务的本质:秩序与正义

公共服务的本质反映国家的本质,即维持政治秩序,实现统治阶级的根本利益,维护社会公平正义.提供公共服务是国家、政府最基本和最经常的职能之一,也是政府存在的逻辑起点之一.公共服务的制度安排是实现国家公平正义的最佳手段和路径.党的十七大报告提出要"健全政府职责体系,完善公共服务体系,推行电子政务,强化社会管理和公共服务",这充分反映了我们党和政府对公共服务本质的认识.     

政治理念何以引导秩序——兼论转型期中国政治秩序运行与维持的理念问题

政治理念以其影响政治主体的心理价值取向,从而规范着政治行为、影响政治制度的内容与性质,从而规定着秩序生长的方向、影响政治控制的方式,从而关联着秩序实现的状态等途径而在政治生活中起着秩序导向功能;政治理念的秩序导向性并不能保证可欲的秩序,人民性、开放性和灵活性是正确发挥政治理念秩序导向功能的内在价值原则;转型期中国政治秩序健康运行与维持的理念问题是要在政治实体方面践行"和谐"政治理念、在政治制度层面坚持"正义"政治理念、在政治控制维度贯彻"合法性"政治理念。     

解读政治艺术:一种尝试性的政治艺术理论阐释

解读政治艺术首先需要解决其研究必要性、研究方法、历史背景和特质呈现等问题。对于研究必要性,则大致可以从“历史-疏理”、“文化-觉解”、“社会-致用”、“理论-建构”四个角度进行说明。针对研究现状上的孱弱状态,本文则主张采取“理想类型”研究法和“多元-整合”的研究进路。对于其历史背景,则可以从艺术向政治转化、政治向艺术生成、政治与艺术相互涵摄三层关系来展现。而对于其特质呈现,则可以从致思前提、问题意识、思想资源、多维审视四个角度来凸现。     

Public affairs and political strategy: theoretical foundations

During the past two decades there have been hundreds of articles published within the broad topic of business political strategy, many of them rigorous and innovative. This paper presents a review and assessment of the theoretical bases of extant research, focusing on three broad research questions: Why do firms participate in the political process? What strategies and tactics do firms employ? What are the limitations on firms' capacity for rational action in the political arena? Research in political strategy has been informed by interest group theory, collective action theory, public choice theory, transaction costs theory, game theory, resource dependence theory, institutional theory, agency theory, the behavioural theory of the firm, business strategy, and population ecology. The paper concludes with a plea to scholars to conduct research in this area which is explicitly and consistently grounded in broad theories of social science. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications     

Municipal corporations, economic calculation, and political pricing: exploring a theoretical antinomy

Most thinking about political economy treats states as unitary actors. In contrast, this paper treats states as ecologies of politically-based enterprises. Where a market is a congeries of business enterprises, a state is a congeries of political enterprises. Both sets of enterprises compete with one another in a setting where those who manage corporate capital are largely separate from those who supply it. Competition among political enterprises, however, cannot generate market prices because of the inalienability of property rights. In consequence, what arises is a system of pricing and calculation that exists parasitically upon the system of market prices.     

Interest in political campaigns: The influence of question order and electoral context

A split-ballot experiment shows that, when people are asked how interested they are in following political campaigns, their response depends not only on the order in which the question is asked, but also on the broader electoral context in which it is posed. When asked how interested they were in following the political campaigns immediatelyafter a question about whether or not they voted in the (1982) election, people were more likely to think they were interested in the campaign, especially if they claimed to have voted, than if they were asked about it immediatelybefore the question on whether or not they voted. This order effect, however, appears to depend onwhen the questions are asked. If asked within a few weeks after the election, there is little or no order effect. But later, as the memory of the campaign fades, the order of the questions makes a sizable difference in the results. This order effect also seems to be more pronounced among better-educated respondents, suggesting that they are more likely to feel pressured by a social norm to vote and to express an interest in political affairs, not only in real life, but in the survey interview as well. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the implications for the design of the interview schedule used in the American National Election Studies.The research reported in this paper was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation (SES81-11404).     

政治文明:涵义、结构和演进

政治文明概念是建立在文明概念基础之上的。文明是一个标志人类社会进步的整体状态的概念 ,政治文明也是一个标志政治领域的整体性进步状态的概念。一种具体的政治文明形态 ,由政治理念、政治制度和政治技术等三个方面构成 ,是一个三维结构。政治文明处于不断的演进之中 ,社会主义政治文明建设将有效地促进社会主义政治文明的发展。     

The institutional and political factors that influence voter turnout

State data were used to develop an econometric model of voter turnout for an off-year (1982) general election. The premise of the research was that existing voter turnout models lacked some of the true explanatory variables. In particular, the political efficacy component of the decision to vote was believed to be under-represented in those models. Previously untested institutional, political, and weather variables proved to be significant explanatory variables. Many variables that were significant in previous studies were not significant in the 1982 general election analysis. 91% of the variation in voter turnout was explained, a significant improvement over previous efforts. Since the values of many of the variables are directly chosen by elected officials, the model provides policymakers with a menu of opportunities for boosting voter turnout.     

The impact of election outcome on internal political efficacy: The role of contextual factors

Many studies have investigated the consequences of election outcome for one of the important public attitudes, political efficacy. The effect of election outcome on external efficacy has been confirmed by most previous studies, whereas the effect on internal efficacy is not clear-cut. By reconceptualizing internal efficacy based on the social cognitive theory of self-efficacy, this study argues that there are two conditions for an election outcome’s impact on internal efficacy: the expected difficulty of winning and the level of involvement in the election. By analyzing panel survey data collected for three Japanese Lower House elections, this study shows that election outcome exerted an impact on internal efficacy if the following two conditions were simultaneously satisfied: (1) winners/losers perceived that the election was difficult/easy to win, and (2) voters were deeply involved in the election process.     

Labeling candidates as underdogs in political communications: The moderation of candidate-related factors

Underdogs are individuals or groups who are at a disadvantage in competitive situations or predicted to fail in competition against rivals. In elections, candidates often label themselves as underdogs, regardless of their poll rankings, using the associated image of weakness to appeal to voters. This study examines the advertising effects related to labeling candidates as underdogs (versus frontrunners) in political communications, and the possible moderating effects of candidate-related factors, including media-based poll rankings, biological sex, and physical attractiveness. The results of two experiments show that a candidate's use of the underdog label generates better advertising effects when polls indicate the promoted candidate is close to or substantially behind the competitor, or when the promoted candidate is female and moderately physically attractive. However, using the frontrunner label generates better advertising effects when the promoted candidate is male, highly physically attractive, or substantially prevailing over the competitor in the polls.