占婆与马来世界的历史文化关系——兼评《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》一书

本文主要从宏观的视角论述占婆与马来世界的历史文化关系,并简要评述《占婆与马来世界的文化交流》一书。     

马来西亚的马来人教育：发展与影响

本文试图从马来人的角度,探讨马来西亚族群教育及其对社会发展的影响,分析马来西亚政府的马来人教育政策,包括教育马来化、高等教育优先、财政支持等,分析马来人普及教育和高等教育的发展,以及教育发展对马来人职业和收入的影响。本文认为,马来人教育发展及随之而至的相对畅通的社会流动机制,在某种程度上有利于各族群和睦相处和社会稳定发展,如果政府在教育资源的分配上,能公平对待其他族群,族群之间的关系将更融合,社会发展也将更稳定。     

The politics of Hegemony and the politics of development: The 1994 elections in South Africa's Eastern Cape

Following the first multi‐racial, democratic elections in South Africa, in April 1994, the new leadership and the country are confronting the dual task of political transformation and economic redistribution having won a clear popular mandate on the basis of a populist, Reconstruction and Development Programme. In government, however, the former liberation movement is now under pressure to adjust its policies and its developmental strategy in the light of new economic constraints, both domestic and international. The choice is between the politics of compromise, suggesting adoption of a corporatist (and elitist) model of policy‐making, with the co‐optation of various constituencies, or adherence to a more radical style of direct popular political participation, akin to the ‘mass action’ of recent decades. Nowhere is this contradiction clearer than in the Eastern Cape Province, with a long tradition of militant mass action, strong trade unions and industrial action and a history of popular involvement in the liberation struggle.     

The press and political controversy: The case for narrative analysis

This paper introduces narrative analysis, a method for press criticism that relies on concepts drawn from nondeconstructionist literary criticism, to study questions about the political power of the media. Narrative analysis seeks to specify the range of compositional options available to journalists covering a particular topic and the conventional meanings associated with each option. In the case at hand, the paper identifies choices made by profilers of James A. Baker III, to affiliate their news stories with six genres of American political journalism. The genres are called celebrity, contest, image, passage, investigation, and crusade stories. Classifying news stories by genre shows, in this case, that media portrayals of authority figures are not as uniformly supportive or adversarial as, respectively, left‐liberal and neoconservative theorists of media power have contended.     

马来中产阶级与马来西亚非政府组织关系探讨

在马来西亚，中产阶级作为一支有影响力的力量主要形成于二战后，特别是新经济政策实施后的经济高速发展时期。马来中产阶级参与到国家政治和社会生活的各个层面。本文在分析现代马来中产阶级产生原因和过程的基础上，选取巴生流域（Klang Valley），省城哥打吝鲁（Kota Bharu）和瓜拉丁加奴（Kuala Terengganu）3地的马来中产阶级对消费、环保、职业、居民和宗教这5类非政府组织的参与情况为重点分析对象。研究发现，马来中产阶级参与宗教、居民和职业组织的比例高于其他组织。几乎有三分之一的被调查者参与宗教和居民组织；五分之一参与了职业组织；参与其他组织，如消费者组织和环保组织的比例比较低。在大城市和省城，马来中产阶级对非政府组织的参与也有差别。     

Milton's army: The white house press corps

White House reporters follow a path constructed by presidential advisers that they hope will lead them to fulfill goals set by their news organizations. White House officials ration them facilities for work, access to newsworthy people, and reportable information in amounts that depend on the importance to the President of the type of media they work in, the status of their particular news organization, and the staff's respect for the influence and competence of a particular individual. In this context, several constraints that affect White House reporting are discussed here: those placed on reporters by their organizations; by the way their type of media covers the White House; by their relations with each other; and by their concepts of what they are required to do. The framework for this discussion and analysis is a classification by type of media and news organizations that assign journalists to the White House. Of the resulting six categories, the first three have the most structural and organizational influence and are given the most attention. The special status, unique history, and influence of photographers at the White House require that they be treated separately.     

International politics: The continuing search for theory

The decline of the search for a general theory of international politics during the past two decades is generally conceded by scholars. Disillusionment with the search developed out of the conviction that the ambitious efforts of the 1950's proved to be inadequate and unsatisfactory in explaining the complexity of international politics. In recent years scholarly interest has shifted to the development of inductive approaches involving the increasing use of quantitative methods and techniques as an aid to the understanding of international behavior. These efforts have also prompted criticism and dissatisfaction but they continue to dominate research. To correct or reverse this trend and to revive interest in explicit theorizing, Kenneth Waltz in Theory and International Politics has attempted the formulation of a systems theory of international politics using a philosophy of science approach. His purpose is to indicate the relative influence of international system and state forces on international behavior, the variation of causes and effects in different types of international systems and the specification of the elements of international systems. A critical examination of Waltz's work reveals that he has achieved only the last objective primarily because of a pronounced tendency to neglect or minimize the influence of states on the international system and to attribute too much influence to international systems on the behavior of states. The result is at best a theoretical framework but not a rigorously developed systems theory. The writer has modestly attempted a reformulation of Waltz's framework taking into account the increasing importance of the regional level in systems theory. Hypothetical relationships between the global system, regional systems, and states are suggested to draw attention to the interrelationship of levels of analysis in the study of international politics in an effort to promote theoretical coherence if not a general theory of international politics.     

The politics of IO performance: A framework

Some international organizations (IOs) are subject to constant criticism for producing poor results while others are praised for accomplishing difficult tasks despite political and resource constraints. Indeed, IO performance varies substantially over time and across tasks, and yet the international relations literature has devoted little attention to why this occurs. This article provides a framework for studying IO performance. After addressing some of the distinct challenges of conceptualizing and analyzing performance in the context of IOs, we discuss the tradeoffs of using different performance metrics—from process indicators to outcome indicators—and present a typology of factors that influence performance. Finally, we discuss research strategies for those interested in studying performance rigorously. The policy relevance of studying IO performance is clear: only if we understand why some IOs perform better than others can we begin to improve their performance in a systematic way. As many organizations come under pressure to reform, while at the same time taking on new and more complicated tasks, scholars should be actively engaged in debates surrounding IO performance and its role in effective governance at the international level.     

South Africa: The politics of racial terminology

Survey of racial terminology employed in southern Africa since 1652 is discussed     

新加坡:2010～2011年回顾与展望

2010年,新加坡政治社会稳定,经济强劲增长,全年经济增长率为14.7%,再创历史新高;外交上继续与东盟各国密切合作,2010年是中国与新加坡建交20周年,中新关系不断深化和发展.     

新加坡：2012～2013年回顾与展望

2012年,新加坡政治社会稳定,经济增长放缓,外交上积极参与东盟活动,深化区域合作,与中国的关系保持了良好发展势头。     

新加坡:2009年回顾与2010年展望

2009年,新加坡政府采取有力措施确保政治社会稳定;由于受全球金融危机的影响,新加坡经济陷入衰退,2009年经济萎缩2%,但全年经济表现比预期要好;外交上,新加坡成功主办亚太经合组织(APEC)系列会议,积极参与东盟事务和区域经济合作,中新关系保持良好发展势头。     

The politics of war and debt relief in Uganda

This article analyses the politics behind Uganda's relations with its multilateral creditors, particularly the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, in the context of the country's military intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Ugandan officials exploit the anxieties of creditors, which want the country to be considered a successful case of debt relief and reform to justify similar policies in other states around the world. In reality, however, multilateral creditors help to sustain patronage politics that is increasingly based on access to plunder in a neighbouring state. Positive economic-growth figures and social indicators mask the underlying vulnerability of Ugandan state institutions, as the country's military officers pursue private interests. As a result, creditors face real dilemmas in deepening their support for the regime of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, which is increasingly reliant on its external backers. Creditors are indirectly subsidising a patronage-based political strategy and the war in the DRC. Alternatively, if they decide to abandon Uganda, they may have to accept a dramatic rise in internal instability.