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In the N-prisoners' dilemma (NPD), cooperation produces ingroup efficiency. But if ingroup gains from cooperation are less than outgroup losses, then macro-efficiency for the collectivity (defined as ingroup plus outgroup) is harmed. We call this situation a layered prisoners' dilemma (LPD). The LPD models diverse real world situations — from OPEC's effect on consumers to interest groups' effect on citizens. We developed an experimental analogue to test three hypotheses about LPD behavior. We found that subjects' behavior was not motivated by a concern for macro-efficiency but, instead, was a function of ingroup interaction. Specifically, ingroup discussion decreased macro-efficient behavior, but the amount of the decrease depended on decision-making structures and ingroup perceptions of outgroup worthiness. The results suggest that macro-inefficient behavior will be ubiquitous due to the ease with which subjects form ingroups. But the results also suggest tactics for constraining macro-inefficient behavior, though the success of the tactics depends on the existence of crosscutting group loyalities. We wish to acknowledge with graditude the help of Robyn Dawes, Carnegie Mellon University; John Francis, University of Utah; Mike Lyons, Utah State University; and John Orbell, University of Oregon.  相似文献   

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The expectation that the government will respond to future circumstances, say bailing out a dictator to avoid a bloodbath, or raising taxes on immovable capital investments, often hinders the establishment of appropriate incentives for efficient behavior. The government's dilemma, simply, is that it may be unable to commit future governments not to be responsive. Contracts and constitutional provisions are mechanisms to limit responsiveness. So too are arrangements that increase the cost of being responsive, or build reputations for adhering to certain patterns of behavior. A promising strategy for being responsive is to base government actions on variables not under the control of individuals, such as unalterable characteristics or aggregate outcomes. These are at best palliative measures: Informed policy making must recognize the tension between providing appropriate incentives and permitting government to be responsive.  相似文献   

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Feminism in Europe: Liberal and Socialist Strategies 1789–1919. By Maria Mies and Kumari Jaywardena. The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 1983. Pp.208.

Sisters or Citizens? Woman and Socialism in France Since 1876. By Charles Sowerwine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Pp.248. £16.40.

Enquête sur les femmes et la politique en France. By Janine Mossuz‐Lavau and Mariette Sineau. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1983. Pp.280. Fr. 90.

German Feminism: Readings in Politics and Literature. Edited by Edith Hoshimo Altbach, Jeanette Clausen, Dagmar Schultz and Naomi Stephan. New York: State University of New York Press, 1984. Pp.389. $12.95 (paperback); $39.50 (hardback).

Unfinished Democracy: Woman in Nordic Politics. Edited by Elina Haavio‐Mannila, Drude Dahlerup, Maud Eduards, Esther Gudmundsdottir, Beatrice Halsaa, Helga Maria Hernes, Eva Hänninen‐Salmeljri, Bergthora Sigmundsdóttir, Sirka Sinkonnen and Torild Skard. Translated by Christine Badcock, Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1985. Pp.206. £14.50 (hardback).

The Situation of Women in the Political Process in Europe. Preliminary report submitted to the Council of Europe, Strasbourg: Directorate of Human Rights, Council of Europe. 1984. Pp.74 (Part 1); pp.185 (Part 2); pp.43 (Part 3).

Women and European Politics: Contemporary Feminism and Public Policy. By Joni Lovenduski. Brighton: Wheatsheaf, 1985. Pp.313. £18.95 (hardback); £7.95 (paperback).  相似文献   

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Party leaders are often regarded as crucial to a party's success. Successful leaders tend to be big personalities who dominate their party's organisation, policy development and electoral campaigns. But does that control come with a price? We test to see if such leaders damage their parties in the medium term. This happens because strong leaders might be ceded too much control of the party organisation, policy and electoral strategy. We specifically hypothesise that political parties will go through a period of leadership instability and electoral decline after strong leaders step down. Using a dataset with elections under party leaders in nine countries over a 25-year period, and a qualitative case study, we find some evidence for the theory, which should prompt further research of the question.  相似文献   

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Issues about migrant rights and protection are raised in cases of return migration when the country that migrants return to prohibits dual citizenship although the migrant has naturalised elsewhere. This article explores the politics of membership and rights faced by former citizens returning to reside in the society they had left. Returning Mainland Chinese migrants with Canadian citizenship status have to navigate China's dual citizenship restriction and the impacts on their Chinese hukou status that confers residency, employment and social rights. This analysis also keeps in view their relationship with the country in which they have naturalised and left, namely Canada. Migrants shuttling between the two countries face a citizenship dilemma as they have limited rights in China whereas their status as Canadian citizens living abroad simultaneously removes them from some rights provided by the Canadian state. This paper thus introduces new and pressing questions about citizenship in the light of return migration trends.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the political and strategic dimensions of the cross-strait relations that are affected by the recent internal and external dynamics of both sides of the Taiwan Strait. It argues that the main factors behind this recent tension are the lack of political trust, absence of political contact, and a growing gap of perceptions at the high political level on both sides over each other’s intentions, policies and rhetoric. Economics, though it can influence politics considerably, is by no means a supplement to political interactions between the two sides. Some policy implications are discussed at the end of the paper.  相似文献   

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  • Marketing claims professional status and presents to the broader community as professional. The paper draws on previous contributions to the broader issue of professionalism and uses the examples from law, medicine and accounting to argue that the attempt has been neither completely successful nor easily demonstrable. Five criteria common to well‐known and accepted professions are developed. The paper concludes that marketing is yet to achieve professional status and asks whether such status is essential for marketers.
Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):91-109
Democratic citizenship, as it exists in countries like Australia, is premised on a nation-state that has sovereignty over a specific territory demarcated by internationally agreed boundaries. According to this model, citizens are supposed to control the state through democratic processes, and the state is supposed to control what happens on its territory and to decide who or what may cross its boundaries. But today globalization is eroding the capacity of the nation-state to control cross-border flows of finance, commodities, people, ideas and pollution. Powerful pressures are reducing state autonomy with regard to economic affairs, welfare rights and national culture. This leads to important questions: Does the quality of democratic citizenship remain unchanged? Are citizens still the source of political legitimacy? Do we need to rethink the meaning and mechanisms of citizenship to find new ways of maintaining popular sovereignty? How can citizens influence decisions made by global markets, transnational corporations and international organizations? These are problems that all democratic polities face, and Australia is no exception. Political and legal institutions derived from the Anglo-American democratic heritage have worked well for a century and more, but they may need to change significantly if they are to master the new realities. The central question in Castles's article is thus: What can we do to maintain and enhance democratic citizenship for Australians in the context of a globalizing world? To answer this question, he examines some of the inherent contradictions of nation-state citizenship, discusses the meaning of globalization and how it affects citizenship and looks at the effects of globalization and regional integration on Australia. He concludes that it is important to improve the quality of Australian citizenship by various measures: recognizing the special position of indigenous Australians and action to combat racism; combatting social exclusion; reforming the constitution to inscribe rights of active citizenship in a bill of rights; and reasserting the model of multicultural citizenship.  相似文献   

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An incumbent is able to shirk or otherwise obtain rents based on his tenure of office because more senior representatives are better able to advance their legislative agendas than are more junior members. The realization of incumbent rents implies that an electoral prisoners' dilemma occurs at the level of voters across electoral districts. Pivotal voters in each district would benefit if all incumbents were replaced by challengers with similar legislative programs because the cost of incumbent rents can be avoided, but each benefits if his representative has more seniority than those from other districts.  相似文献   

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Akira Okada 《Public Choice》2008,135(3-4):165-182
The second-order dilemma arises from each individual’s incentive to free ride on a mechanism to solve the public goods provision problem (the first-order dilemma). We show by a voluntary participation game that if the depreciation rate is low, public goods can be accumulated through voluntary groups for provision, and that the accumulation is effective in solving the second-order dilemma. This analysis also shows that population growth increases the accumulation of public goods in the long run.  相似文献   

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