协商精神与宪政建设

在宪政建设及价值目标实现的诸因素中 ,协商机制的建立与完善 ,无疑是其中十分重要的一个方面。立宪的过程本质上就是一个协商的过程。在现代社会中 ,各种政治利益的协调应当是通过协商来实现的。建立协商机制的宪政意义在于 ,通过协商 ,达成宪法共识 ;而协商精神的贯彻和实现 ,则应有一个保障协商进行的完备的程序性制度设计和一个稳定、健康的市民社会 ,以及相应的宪政制度安排等。协商精神与协商机制的建立 ,不仅是现代民主政治的精髓 ,而且是宪法与宪政制度适应社会变化、不断发展完善的前提条件。     

论协商民主广泛多层制度化发展——从场域理论的视角

协商民主的广泛多层制度化发展是鼓励公众有序政治参与的新形式。它既与中国社会的多样性、复杂性相适应．也与发达国家的代表性理论具有一定的契合性。场域理论为协商民主广泛多层制度化发展提供了新的理论分析视角。本文根据实践场域客观存在的协商民主形式,从协商主体、主题、具体形式、方法、程序等方面对协商民主的广泛多层制度化发展提供经验支持．进而说明这一协商民主形式是当代中国民主政治发展的新观念和新实践。     

网络政治参与——协商民主的新形式

作为当代民主理论和实践的最新发展,协商民主强调公民通过自由而平等的理性对话、辩论、推理和审议等方式来参与公共生活,赋予政府立法和决策以合法性,从而保证公民自治和真实民主的实现,推动民主政治的发展。而公民的网络政治参与过程体现了与协商民主理论在一些方面的一致性,网络政治参与在近似地实践着协商性民主的理想,成为协商民主的一种新形式。但同时,要合理有序有效的实现网络政治参与,还需要政府和公民的共同努力。     

西方协商民主理论中政党因素的缺位及其修正

西方协商民主理论中公共协商的主体是公民及其社团，这种理论倾向导致了政党因素在协商民主论争中的缺席。然而，公共协商与政治决策之间的非连续性和断裂性，要求公共协商在政治决策领域寻找合适且有力的政治代议者，这就为政党因素在协商民主理论中的重新出场创造了机会。因而，探讨协商民主中的政党因素实为必要。     

政治、审议民主与司法审查:论青年桑斯坦的宪法理论

凯斯·桑斯坦是当代美国最具学术影响力的宪法学家。作为20世纪80年代美国宪法共和主义复兴的理论主将,桑斯坦建构了以审议民主为中心的政治、宪法与司法审查理论。在政治理论中,审议民主构成了共和主义政治区别于多元主义政治的关键;在宪法理论中,美国宪法规定了以审议民主为核心的政治结构和决策过程,私人的"赤裸偏好"不是政府行为的正当性依据;而在司法审查理论中,法院的角色是审议政治的审议者,因此要求一种能动的司法审查。     

论基本权利作为民主权利——基于中国宪法变迁的考察

中国宪法中的基本权利与人民民主原则具有紧密关联,存在着以民主权利诠释基本权利的理论传统。在通过人民民主实现国家建构的宪法秩序下,基本权利并非先于国家的与之对抗的自由,而是将个人整合进国家,进而建构具有实质同一性的政治共同体的民主权利。伴随1982年宪法修改,特别是2004年人权条款写入宪法,宪法中基本权利与民主的关联经历了理论观念、社会基础与规范体系三个层次的深刻变迁,其核心是人民民主由实质同一性模式变迁为相对同一性模式,这为诠释基本权利的民主权利观提供了新的基础。在全过程人民民主重大理念下,宪法中的基本权利与人民民主相互构成,发挥着维系政治共同体,通过政治过程形成民主意志,以及矫正代议民主不足等三项民主功能。     

协商民主与社会治理

中国社会主义协商民主是社会主义民主的重要组成部分,同时也是中国传统文化与马克思主义相结合的产物,在我国社会发展和建设的过程中具有重要的意义.中共十八大报告上“社会主义协商民主”这一概念被首次提出,发展至今,这一理论已经成为中国特色社会主义民主政治建设中必不可少的内容.本文将通过对协商民主这一概念的阐述来探究我国协商民主的特点及其对我国社会治理的作用.     

协商民主视域下的社会管理创新问题思考

提 要：从协商民主视域创新社会管理是加强社会建设的基本要求与发展趋势.因此,充分认识协商民主视域下社会管理创新的时代价值,对协商民主视域下社会管理创新的现实问题作出分析,进一步明确协商民主对社会管理创新提出的新要求,努力探讨协商民主视域下社会管理创新的理论突破与实践选择,具有非常重要的现实意义.     

协商民主能否成为可能——自由、平等与理性之于协商民主

20世纪最后20年,一种新型的民主理论——协商民主在西方政治学界开始兴起、发展,并成为人们讨论研究聚集的焦点。作为一种可能的新型民主,面临着许多挑战,何以成为可能或者说能否成为可能成为人们争论的焦点,这一问题值得我们认真思考。基于此,从一种自由、平等、理性分析的视角来看,协商民主能够化解自由与秩序的矛盾,维护社会的平等和正义,能够在公开的理性下实现政治的合法性,解决现有民主制度的困境与挑战,是确实能够实现的政治理想。     

协商民主的理论及其实践：对人权保障的贡献——以协商民主的权力制约功能为分析视角

作为当代西方民主理论和实践的最新发展，协商民主强调公民通过自由而平等的理性对话、辩论、推理和审议等方式来参与公共生活，赋予立法和决策以合法性，从而保证公民自治和真实民主的实现，推动民主政治的发展。协商民主的价值理念契合了当代宪政国家人权保障的核心追求，其宪政功能突出表现在通过制约和监督国家权力以整合多元社会共识，赋予立法和决策以正当合法性，凸显宪政国家人权保障的终极目标。当前各国的乡村社会和地方城市产生了许多新的协商制度形式，为人权保障事业作出了独特贡献。     

The Idea of Deliberative Democracy. A Critical Appraisal

The deliberative conception of politics seems to be necessary for the legitimation of state power through democratic will-formation and decision-making. However, the author maintains that a complex theory of democracy cannot merely consist in procedural prerequisites for organizing the concomitant institutional settings. In particular, such a theory must comprise some substantive presuppositions, such as social and economic rights, in order to diminish existing material inequalities, especially those connected with social exploitation and domination. The author argues that a contemporary theory of democracy should reflect on the autonomization of mechanisms of egoistic action challenging not only the democratic political order, but also the very reproduction preconditions of societies all over the world. In this perspective, the model of associative democracy, which is suggested nowadays as a sort of substantive correlative to the institutional proceduralism, could not significantly rejuvenate the traditional representative democracy. Instead, democracy could only be given a fresh impulse if democratic deliberation penetrates the currently forbidden field of capitalist production and social exploitation, the locus where social inequality and effective unfreedom are endlessly reproduced.     

Information and Human Liberty

Abstract. Political and juristic enquiry must be conceived of as an action theoretical approach. On the basis of his formal and finalistic action theory as well as his neo-institutionalist view, the author sketches the role of information in modern democracy. He holds the view that democratic institutions are always in danger of being misused. The complex role of mass media, party propaganda and the detrimental effects of state propaganda are analyzed. The author deals with some general features of information processes in the realm of political practice: Information has to be considered in relation to action; the message by itself does not show whether the information is true; there are two forms of reception of information, active and passive reception. Information processes have a deep influence on personal as well as on political liberty. The intrusion of marketing-methods of propaganda in political practice is a great danger for democratic life, particularly if realized by the state or central institutions. It can destroy intellectual freedom, which is a prerequisite of discursive democracy. Democracy and human liberty can flourish only in an open society.     

共和与民主宪政

共和国是千百年来政治法律家们所追求的政权组织形式。共和主义可以使各种社会政治资源得以充分利用。民主是人民当家作主 ,自己决定自己的事业 ,是近现代人们所推崇的政体的主流形式。宪政主义的核心是废除绝对主权 ,强调对宪法限制统治权 ,确认并保护人民的权利。共和与民主并不矛盾 ,民主是共和的重要组成部分 ,没有民主就没有共和 ,但民主必须受到节制 ,共和必须接受民主的洗礼 ,民主共和必须由宪法予以确认。在宪政的体制下发扬民主 ,完善共和 ,是建设现代文明国家的基本要求。     

政治文明与宪政的关系

政治文明是一个从物质文明和精神文明之中抽象出来的且相对独立的概念。从内涵上说 ,政治文明的核心是政治民主 ;从外延上说 ,政治文明包括政治观念的文明、政治规范的文明和政治秩序的文明。政治文明同宪政的关系表现为 :政治文明是宪政的前提和基础 ;宪政是政治文明的支柱和灵魂 ;现代政治文明发展的主流、本质和终极趋向是政治文明的宪法化和宪政文明。文章最后还讨论了政治文明与中国宪政的建构问题 :即建构“民主”与“宪政”的协调并用模式 ,重塑“权力”与“权利”的互动关系模式及完善“国家”和“社会”的二元结构模式     

Political representation in the networked society: the Americanisation of European systems of responsible party government?

The Internet provides a new technological opportunity structure for political representatives to communicate with constituents. Its potential for decentralised, interactive mass communication allows MPs to bypass intermediary organisations such as political parties and to establish a direct relationship with their constituents. Students of electronic democracy are divided over the political consequences of this technological change in telecommunications. While cyber-optimists envisage a transformation of responsible party government into a more direct, individualised type of political representation, cyber-sceptics adopt a more cautious approach and predict a reinforcement of established systems of political representation in the networked society. This article aims to develop a theoretical foundation as well as to carry out an empirical test of both positions. In the theoretical section, these two contradictory positions are modelled on the assumption that party government is a rationalistic concept. In the empirical section, both positions are tested in a statistical analysis of the use of personal websites in the German Bundestag, the Swedish Riksdag and the US House of Representatives.     

Reflective Judgement and Prudential Rationality: A Contribution to an Inclusive Practical Application of Law

Hannah Arendt has developed a theory of the importance of judgment of taste for political manners, founded on the Kantian aesthetic theory. Nowadays this theory is considered a current theoretical reference for establishing a political way to reconcile the demands of the radicalization of deliberative democracy with the need for political inclusion (Iris Marion Young, Seyla Benhabib). Albena Azmanova in her The Scandal of Reason: A Critical Theory of Political Judgment proposes an inclusive political rhetoric. The political theory founded on judgment is based on Kant’s philosophy; it was developed by Arendt and has greatly influenced the current debate, as an alternative theory in which the moral basis of law can be more sensitive to human contexts; a universalist theory more adequate for dealing with the tragic dimension of human life. The theory of political judgment uses the concepts of reflective judgment and ‘enlarged thought’ as its main concepts. As a starting point, a theory like this considers the singular judgments of justice that each person makes. The background, therefore, is not a rational foundation of principles, but the capacity of rational beings to make judgments. This post-metaphysical theory of law, based on a theory of judgment, is a critique of legal positivism, but presents itself as an alternative to the idealistic theory of law. But this theoretical project has received some criticism related to the adequacy of Arendt’s rereading of Kantian philosophy and her attempt to approximate Kant’s reflective judgment to the Aristotelian concept of phronêsis. Some critics, such as Bryan Garsten, believe that Kant’s rhetoric of public reason diminished and displaced the prudential faculty of judgment that Arendt is to be interested in reviving. Arendt’s attempt to find a theory of judgment in Kant’s aesthetic theory is not successful, in Garsten’s view. Our purpose is to show that a critical theory of judicial judgment is not only possible, but necessary; Arendt’s theory of judgment offers an important contribution to a critical theory of judicial judgment, particularly one devoted to the construction of a legal theory that prioritizes a politics of social inclusion. This theory proposes a critical approach to the project of the procedural conception of democracy, since it can mask social exclusion. An adequate understanding of judicial argumentation cannot forget that it happens in a rhetorical context: it is not only important what a discourse says, but how it says it. The radicalization of deliberative democracy supposes a revision of the ways judicial deliberation is thought: not by reference to universal or at least general principles, but taking into consideration what is ‘critically relevant’, with a view to remedying social injustice (following Azmanova).

     

论政治腐败及其控制--政治文明不能忽略的论题

在政治文明的论域里,政治腐败是一个不能忽略的论题.政治腐败是公共生活发生病变的政治现象,其内涵是指公共权力的公共性能减弱或丧失,它败坏着社会关系,侵蚀着社会经济基础,尤其是腐蚀着民主制度并挑战法治,阻滞着政治文明的进程.权力腐败可能发生在立法领域、行政领域和司法领域,还可能出现在选举或其它政治方面.全面抑制政治腐败是一项系统工程,可以着眼于物质化、精神化和制度化三个视角保障必要的物质待遇,实现"以薪养廉"战略;强化和张扬政治道德,以人格抵制政治腐败;加强和改进制度建设,以制度阻止政治腐败.     

有序化：农村基层民主建设中值得关注的一个视角

有序的政治参与是现代民主的重要内容和标志。农村基层民主是我国建设民主政治的基础性工作。当前,农村基层民主不断推进,由于规范行为的制度缺乏,表面上看很活跃,而实际上却滋生着混乱。因此,加强中国共产党领导下的农民主体有序地参与农村基层民主建设具有深厚的理论依据和鲜明的现实意义。     

Parliamentary Consociationalism in Lebanon: Equal Citizenry vs. Quotated Confessionalism

This article sheds light on the governance dilemma in a deeply divided post-conflict Lebanese sectarian society undergoing democratic transition. It assesses consociational democracy as a working model institutionalised by Lebanon in light of the country's composition of multiple religious minorities. In particular, it focuses on the political forces shaping the current Lebanese National Assembly (parliament) within the confessional structure and analyses the prospect and impasses confronting the development of a stable and representative assembly. Analysis of the Lebanese parliament is made in light of five assessment areas identified as fundamental for the emergence of a stable democratic institution: political will and domestic support, representation, lawmaking, oversight, and management and infrastructure. After revealing the deep-rooted deficiency of quota-based confessional representation, the article provides institutional transitional reform recommendations that could increase the likelihood for the legislature to better fulfil the critical functions of representation, oversight, and lawmaking vital for democratic transition. The realisation of consociational democracy in Lebanon, the article argues, would require the eventual adoption of proportional representation as a means of moving the country from a ‘confessionally quotated’ to ‘equal citizenry’ based representation.     

公共行政中的公民参与论析

公民参与公共行政是民主发展的要求,在政府层面和公民层面都具有重要意义,也必然对社会和谐产生积极影响。由于历史文化传统和政治民主建设的现状等原因,我国公民参与权还没有得到很好的保护和体现,公民参与公共行政的意识和能力还比较差。公民参与的实现是一个过程,它取决于公民与政府观念的转变和能力的提高、公共组织结构和功能的完善、基层组织自治的发展和公民社会的兴起等因素。