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1.
This research aims to study the effects of interior environmental features on the effectiveness of physical therapy among children with cerebral palsy. The research assumes that interior environment primarily determines the central attention of the patients, which further institutes the level of cooperation and thus the effectiveness of therapy. Distinctive interior settings in three state hospitals are utilized to test the effects of different environmental settings on child patients' level of attention. A '~structured observation" together with an "achievement rating", measured by the patients' cooperative level, are utilized to gauge the success of therapy conducted within the three different environmental settings. Statistical result reveals a pattern of correlative linkages among the interior features, the level of central attention and the effectiveness of therapy. Behavioral responses are found to be positively correlated with the level of patient cooperation. The analysis of behavioral response discloses three types of environmental stimuli--crowding in the treatment rooms, present of particular interior features such as windows, and activities outside the treatment rooms visible to the patients. Desirable response is also found to be increasing along with the number of interior stimulus features. A design guideline for treatment room is finally established. Two groups of interior environmental features could be manipulated to elevate the effectiveness of therapy--the physical environment which includes room size, and the spatial location of therapy activities within the interior environment.  相似文献   

2.
The optimal jurisdiction size has been debated since Plato and Aristotle. A large literature has studied economic and democratic scale effects, but we have almost no knowledge of the effects of jurisdiction size on the effectiveness of local services. This is due to two methodological problems. First, selection bias and reverse causality often render change in jurisdiction size an endogenous variable. Second, there is a lack of empirical indicators of effectiveness, and most studies therefore focus on spending measures. Extant research thus studies economies of scale, leaving effectiveness of scale unexamined. We address both problems in a quasi-experimental study of public schools. Our findings from the school area indicate that jurisdiction size does not have systematic effects on effectiveness. Our analysis therefore supports recent studies of economic and democratic scale effects that indicate that the search for the optimal jurisdiction size is futile.  相似文献   

3.
在学术界有关国家能力的论述中,一个热门争论点就是中国的治理能力是增强了,还是在逐渐下降。本文将以2008年四川地震后NGO参与救灾的行动作为分析个案,指出公民社会的兴起,有助强化政府的行政能力。但是,政府仍然保有力量,在发现公民社会的发展偏离政府的既定轨迹,或者对政府的管治权威造成挑战时,仍能采取强制能力,收紧公民社会的空间。  相似文献   

4.
This article critically assesses the study of Boomgaarden and Vliegenthart (2007) on the relationship between media content and anti-immigrant party support. With regard to conceptualization, it is argued that their dependent variable is flawed, because it groups two parties together that do not belong to the same party family. Some data-related issues, such as measurement equivalence, are also discussed. Finally, it is argued that the causality might be easily reversed. Because anti-immigrant parties are able to exploit issues which are neglected by mainstream parties, it is possible that the media will give more attention to these issues. This study concludes that a causal relationship between news content and anti-immigrant party support is nonexistent in the Dutch case.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract.  We examine the association of four socioeconomic factors with turnout in Finland in three age groups. The analyses are based on individual-level register data from electoral wards from the parliamentary elections of 1999 linked to population registration data on personal characteristics covering the whole 25 to 69 year-old Finnish electorate. The results show that income and housing tenure are more important determinants of turnout among older voters than among younger voters, whereas education has a dominant role in determining young people's turnout. Moreover, class has maintained its discriminatory power in determining turnout in all age groups even though working-class under-representation in participation can be partly attributable to previously obtained educational attainment. Furthermore, the lower turnout of younger voters remains unexplained even if socioeconomic factors are held constant. Lower turnout among lower social classes and among the young will affect the legitimacy of the prevalent model of party democracy.  相似文献   

6.
廉洁教育实效性强调取得实际的效益和效果,凸显廉洁教育的务实性、实在性和有效性。实效性是廉洁教育的本质所决定,是实现高校廉洁教育目的的关键,同样也构成廉洁教育方法途径创新探索的核心。基于实效性的方法途径创新,表现为诸多方法途径整合为有机统一的整体,共同作用于廉洁教育。因此,必须以重视实践、制度建设与校园文化建设为基本原则,理顺和正确处理高校内外的各种现实关系,真正实现廉洁教育之实效。  相似文献   

7.
The primary objective of the present study is to identify the antecedents of voter loyalty, with a particular focus on the mediating role of party attachment in the relationship between inner-self, social-self, trust, and loyalty. Using a convenience sampling method, the data for this study were gathered from a sample of 750 voters residing in a developing European country, Turkey. The collected data were analyzed using confirmatory factor analyses and structural equation modeling. The results of the study demonstrate that significant and positive relationships exist between the aforementioned antecedents (i.e., inner-self, social-self, trust, and party attachment) and voter loyalty. Additionally, the findings suggest that party attachment acts as a mediator between the antecedents and loyalty. Drawing on these results and the existing literature on voter behavior and practice, the authors discuss methodological, theoretical, and practical implications for inner-self, social-self, trust, and party attachment.  相似文献   

8.
The network form of organisation is becoming increasingly important across many areas of public administration, but most analysts would agree that not enough is known about networks. This article is based on a detailed qualitative study of public sector networks in the field of national security in Australia. It reviews the dynamics and effectiveness of networks as organisational forms in this important field. A methodological framework involving five interdependent levels of analysis—structure, culture, policy, technology and relationships—is put forward to account for the internal dynamics of networks and the conditions that promote their effectiveness. The article concludes with recommendations for analysing networks in ways that can assist with the important task of network management.  相似文献   

9.
在制度反腐的时代背景下,高校反腐倡廉建设在取得成绩的同时,仍然存在反腐倡廉制度绩效偏低的情况,直接体现为高校腐败形势的严峻性和反腐败任务的艰巨性,因此提高反腐倡廉制度绩效具有十分重要的现实意义。从制度绩效的视角来看,反腐倡廉制度绩效偏低的影响因素主要是反腐倡廉制度对高校权力制约的不足与外部环境的不良诱惑共同作用降低了制度执行力,进而导致制度功能丧失或低效。因此,要提升反腐倡廉制度绩效需要以体系建设为重点建立健全反腐倡廉的各项制度,以权力制约为核心增强反腐倡廉制度的执行力,以廉洁文化为主题营造反腐倡廉制度运行的良好环境。  相似文献   

10.
This paper is concerned with how local councils might bring about the renewal of local democracy, and in particular, to the extent to which public relations might contribute to the process of renewal. To begin, the public policy literature is reviewed to investigate the concept of participatory democracy and its application in the UK. The role of local government public relations is then discussed and to the extent to which the concepts of public relations and local public participation are linked. The paper then goes on to describe and critically evaluate one particular case where a public relations strategy was used to effect participatory democracy through local forums or ‘district assemblies’. In the case of Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council, district assemblies were found to be successful examples of deliberative forums in achieving participatory democracy. They were well publicised and encouraged participation, and people thought that they made a difference to their community. However, the research raised questions surrounding the extent of community representation at district assemblies (including the publics targeted); and inclusivity in the structure and organisation of the meetings. The case raised the issue of power inequalities which public relations efforts alone cannot resolve in the democratic renewal project. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   

11.
我国农地管理的主体行为与博弈分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
我国现行的农地管理未能达到预期的效果,其核心原因在于宏观政策缺乏微观执行基础.基于此,分析了农地管理主体(包括中央政府、地方政府和村集体)的行为,并探讨了农地管理中不同主体之间的利益博弈、不同管理主体的行为变化对各主体利益的影响以及由此引发的农民的利益变化.利用博弈论分析方法建立了三个主体的博弈分析模型.首先从子博弈分析出发,分析中央政府与地方政府在农地管理中的博弈过程,其次分析地方政府与农民集体利益的代表——村集体的博弈分析,最后建立三个主体的主博弈模型.研究发现:在农地管理过程中,地方政府间联合与中央政府博弈的可能性不大,因而通过自上而下的政府规制,白下而上做实农地管理的微观主体——包括明确农民的使用权益、提高农民的市场地位,有利于消除农地管理中的寻租行为,提高农地管理的效率.  相似文献   

12.
Theories of participation and non-participation are largely unable to capture and distinguish anti-system behavior, which ranges from deliberate silence to political violence. To better understand and measure these diverse forms of citizen participation, and to distinguish these from forms of alienation and marginalization, this article builds a new model of anti-system behavior in a way that facilitates the development of empirically observable variables and hypotheses. To do so, I draw upon sociological approaches to alienation – which examine intensities of rebellion and contestation – and combine them with the standard political scientific approach – which examines intensities of engagement based on resources. The problem, I argue, is that each approach only partially explains the motivations behind aberrant political behavior in modern democratic systems; they are in fact two sides of the same coin. I consider three cases of apparent silent citizenship: Muslims in Western Europe, Roma in Eastern Europe, and white working-class people in North America and Europe.  相似文献   

13.
《学理论》2020,(3)
明确新形势下党员干部政治思想状况,明晰党员干部政治思想存在弱化倾向的原因,针对问题差距精准改进,有利于建设风清气正的政治生态,有利于锤炼党员干部忠诚干净担当的政治品格。唯有如此,才能切实保证党员干部政治原则坚定、工作忠诚担当,始终牢记初心,勇担使命,充分发挥为党和国家伟大事业发展提供坚强政治保证的作用。  相似文献   

14.
Does highlighting socioeconomic policy considerations or mainstream parties’ government competence reduce support for populist radical right (PRR) parties? Such “defuse” messages may attract PRR voters without alienating mainstream parties’ core electorate and thus, have advantages over an accommodative strategy. This study tests four “defuse” messages in an original survey experiment on a sample of 1,786 likely PRR voters in the context of the 2017 German federal election. The findings show that potential PRR voters are hardly swayed by these messages. This result is in notable contrast to findings from prior experimental studies about the malleability of PRR support. Exploratory analyses suggest that some of these null findings may mask heterogeneities. Both respondents who were surveyed during the first days of fieldwork and those with less political knowledge responded to some treatments in the expected way. Overall, these findings point to a limited responsiveness of PRR voters to “defuse” messages.  相似文献   

15.
Over the past few years, perceptions about disability – at least at the theoretical level – have been shifted toward a more progressive approach, which stresses the social aspects of the construction of disability (social model) rather than personal limitations, as supported by the traditional disability approach (medical–individual model). Drawing upon the sociosemiotic approach as developed by Kress and van Leeuwen, the present study examines from a comparative perspective the representations about disability and people with disabilities, as emerging from the drawings produced by 4th grade Greek primary school children. The sample consists of two groups of children. Group A does not share the same school environment with schoolchildren with special education needs, while group B shares the same school surroundings with students attending a special education needs School. The comparative analysis of their drawings indicates that children of both groups reproduce the dominant meanings they receive from their direct social environment.  相似文献   

16.
In the context of an ever growing importance and usage of referendums around the globe, this article provides a comprehensive approach to analyse the determinants of participation in direct democratic votes. In the absence of conclusive empirical evidence about which factors drive direct democratic participation, studies tend to adopt election-specific findings and assume the determinants of electoral turnout to equally apply for referendums. Yet, a strict empirical test of these numerous determinants in a referendum context is still missing. By examining aspects stemming from both election-specific and referendum-specific contexts, this article aims to first test the applicability of common electoral theories of turnout for direct democratic participation and second to analyse the relevance of each factor when simultaneously examined with other contextual and individual factors. This holistic approach represents reality as adequate as possible, that is, to consider various factors that may simultaneously influence the individual decision to vote. Next to individual variables, the analysis particularly focuses on two contextual levels, the community a person lives in and factors linked to a given referendum. The discussion and joint analysis of competing factors addresses the problem of underspecified turnout models, which commonly prevents a detailed assessment of the relative importance of the determinants of turnout. The study uses registered data from the canton of Geneva, Switzerland, which provides official information about individual participation across 43 referendums in 45 communities. We match this individual data with referendum-related factors, such as campaign intensity and importance of the issues at stake, and community-level variables, such as wealth and urbanization. The results of our multilevel, cross-classified models show significant context-related effects, stemming mainly from the referendum and less from the community level. Still, the main driver of direct democratic participation is individual determinants, in particular citizens' past participation record.  相似文献   

17.
This paper empirically uses a street-level bureaucrat (SLB) lens to compare the impact of personal and organisational support on the innovative behaviour of frontline healthcare workers in Australia and the United States. Survey data came from the 260 U.S. and 220 Australian respondents. The structural equation model shows that organisational (i.e. manager–subordinate relationships) and personal supports (i.e. psychological capital [PsyCap]) significantly influence the innovative behaviour of frontline SLBs in health care. Further, the mediation results show that reciprocal social exchanges provide the foundations for facilitating the growth of healthcare workers’ PsyCap, which then gives them the resilience to be innovative in the workplace. The U.S. respondents perceived stronger organisational support and consequently had a better platform for building PsyCap – providing better work conditions for facilitating innovative behaviour to bourgeon. The paper adds to SLB theory concerning the influence of two variables on SLBs' innovative behaviour, in addition to a meaningful comparison of the U.S. and Australian healthcare workers. If governments and organisations want innovative workers, then the policies must be based on empirical evidence that shows the impact on all stakeholders, including SLBs, because otherwise, irrespective of policy directives, the outcome is low levels of employee wellbeing (which likely results in limited innovative activity).  相似文献   

18.
Based on voter survey from European election study 2009, we examine the impact of one individual-level motivational factor, i.e. interest in politics, and its interactions with institutional and contextual factors such as compulsory voting, electoral competition and the number of parties on participation in 2009 EP elections and previous national elections. The results show that political interest is more closely connected to turnout in second-order elections which are usually considered less salient. Correspondingly, also the contingent effect of compulsory voting and competition is more evident in EP elections. While compulsory voting substantially decreases the turnout gap between the most and least politically attentive voters in both types of elections, the moderating effect of competitiveness is found only in EP elections.  相似文献   

19.
In this article I analyze a multi‐stakeholder process of environmental regulation. By grounding the article in the literature on regulatory capitalism and governance, I follow the career of a specific legislative process: the enactment of Israel's Deposit Law on Beverage Containers, which aims to delegate the responsibility for recycling to industry. I show that one crucial result of this process was the creation of a non‐profit entity licensed to act as a compliance mechanism. This new entity enabled industry to distance itself from the responsibility of recycling, and thereby frustrated the original objective of the legislation, which was to implement the principle of “extended producer responsibility.” Furthermore, this entity, owned by commercial companies and yet acting as an environmentally friendly organization, allowed industry to promote an anti‐regulatory agenda via a “civic voice.” The study moves methodologically from considering governance as an institutional structure to analyzing the process of “governancing,” through which authoritative capacities and legal responsibilities are distributed among state and non‐state actors. Two key findings are that this process and its outcome (i) are premised on an ideology of civic voluntarism, which ultimately delegates environmental responsibilities to citizens; and (ii) facilitate an anti‐regulatory climate that serves commercial interests.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

This article is a case study of the National Commission on Manufactured Housing and its attempt to reform the regulatory system. It describes the importance of manufactured housing as an affordable alternative to site‐built housing and tells how efforts to reform the regulatory system through a consensus process initially succeeded but ultimately failed.

The article shows that while the consensus process was essential to get agreement among conflicting parties, consensus will hold only when all parties are sufficiently dissatisfied with the status quo to endure the cost of change. While the short‐term prospects for reform are dim, the long‐term prospects are more promising, as a few large manufacturers offer better warranties and as programs devolve from the federal government to the states.  相似文献   

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