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The Justice and Development Party (or AKP) era in Turkey has witnessed the emergence of a new welfare regime resting on voluntary public and private transfers. This system has been replacing the former welfare system in which the right to social welfare benefits was constitutionally guaranteed. The new welfare system has tended to distribute transfers on a selective and unequal basis. This article analyses the size and effects of this system using a social class-based analytical framework. In explaining class structure in Turkey, we use the official Household Budget Survey database. The results indicate a massive process of proletarianisation has taken place. Our results indicate that the working classes have constituted the majority of the poor. In this environment, the shares of voluntary public and private transfers in the incomes of households have been rising. For some classes, like rural unemployed, urban unemployed and agricultural labourers, these transfers have captured a very high share of the incomes. These transfers have also been distributed very unequally. Their share in the central budget has also been rising. All these point to the emergence of a new neo-liberal welfare (poverty) regime as part of a new labour control regime.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article explores the dynamics and contradictions of capital accumulation in South Korea from 1980 to 2014 by analysing the rates of surplus value and profit and criticises two theses of financialisation and income-led growth. The rate of surplus value soared after 2000 because the real wage growth was contained by the neo-liberal onslaught against workers. The profit rate consistently declined after 1987, paving the way for the 1997 crisis and its main driver was the rising organic composition of capital. After the 1997 crisis, the profit rate rebounded for six years thanks to the intensified exploitation of workers. From 2002 until the 2008 global financial crisis, the rate of profit dropped again. However, contrary to the financialisation thesis, there has been no substantial transfer of surplus value from the real sector to the financial sector. Our results also show that the accumulation rate determined income distribution, not vice versa, contradicting the income-led growth strategy, now popular among the Korean progressives. Marxian macro-dynamics is operating as usual in Korea.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(1):85-98
CROSS ROADS TO ISRAEL by Christopher Sykes, 479 pp., maps, illustrations, index. Collins. 42s.

EDWIN MONTAGU by S. D. Waley, 333 pp., index, Asia Publishing House, 45s.  相似文献   

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This article explores how European integration is contested between political parties in debates of the German Bundestag. Distinguishing between ‘domestic’ debates about the conduct of EU policy-making by the German government and ‘supranational’ debates about the institutions and policies of the European Union, the article asks for thematic objects and patterns of polarisation between parties within these debates. Presenting empirical evidence from the manual coding of 23 plenary debates during the second ‘Grand Coalition’ government, it is shown that the polarisation between parliamentary parties differs greatly at both levels of discussion. Whereas the antagonism between government and opposition appears to determine the polarisation of parties in ‘domestic’ debates, more ambiguous and atypical position patterns emerge on behalf of supranational issues. Therefore, the article suggests that a differentiation of various levels of debate is helpful in capturing the polarisation of political parties over the issue of European integration.  相似文献   

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The article provides a conceptual framework for understanding the return of third country nationals from Greece and the European Union, as well as their readmission by Turkey, a critical issue of migration policy at the European external borders. Return and readmission could be conceptualized as integral to the EU conditionality, a key tool at the disposal of the European Union to encourage and ensure compliance with its norms. In this respect, incentives are offered to countries of origin or transit as reward for the enforcement of expulsion decisions and the regulation of migration issues. Return and readmission could also be understood in respect to cooperation between two sovereign states, wherein expected costs and benefits are constantly (re)evaluated on the basis of their recurrent bilateral interactions. Thus, migration issues between Greece and Turkey should be grasped as indivisible to relations between a member state and a prospective one; in this sense, they could be interpreted in relation to Turkey’s progress towards the adoption of the acquis communautaire, in the light however of the politically volatile border between the two countries.  相似文献   

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Germany is noted within Europe for its weak tobacco control policies and its opposition to European Union tobacco control legislation. In this article, we aim to explain Germany's stance on tobacco control. We review two explanations commonly proposed, namely tobacco industry donations to political parties and the legacy of the Nazis' opposition to smoking, and examine the politics of tobacco control in detail. We suggest that the interplay of numerous factors explains Germany's stance. Aspects of political culture including the Nazi heritage which has resulted in a dearth of public health research and teaching, institutional factors such as the reliance on industry self-regulation facilitated by Germany's system of corporatist policy-making and interest group politics are key. The tobacco industry has also successfully used framing strategies to uphold the social acceptability of smoking and undermine the acceptability of tobacco control in Germany. In addition a phenomenon that we call ‘autarkic epistemic isolation’ explains why so little policy learning from abroad has occurred. We suggest that our multi-factor model has significant explanatory power for Germany's weak stance that has resulted in a long-standing policy equilibrium. Recent events, however, suggest that this equilibrium may now have been punctuated.  相似文献   

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Third United Nations World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction was held in Sendai, Japan in March 2015, four years after the Great East Japan Earthquake struck on March 11, 2011. Attended by some 150,000 participants from around the world, the Conference adopted the Sendai Declaration and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030, the latter of which was the successor document to Hyogo Framework for Action. Besides significance in efforts to prevent and mitigate disasters, the successful formulation and adoption of the Sendai Framework served to promote collaboration on UN and other conferences held later that year. Disaster Risk Reduction principles of reducing vulnerabilities and enhancing resilience are especially necessary in the Asia-Pacific region which is over-represented in natural disasters. In December 2015, efforts by Japan and 141 other co-sponsors resulted in a UN Resolution to designate the 5th of November “World Tsunami Awareness Day.”  相似文献   

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The article analyses the role of the German Bundestag in decision making on out-of-area military operations since 1994. It is framed by the research question whether the power of the parliament has been weakened by the building of international rapid reaction forces such as the European Battle Groups or the NATO Response Force. In the first part, the position of the Bundestag in the decisions since 1994 is explained. The second part is mainly focused on the decision-making process pertaining to the 2006 EUFOR operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 2006, the German Battle Group was not sent to Congo due to domestic constraints. On the basis of this incident and a more general analysis, the article underlines the crucial role of the Bundestag in the decision-making process. It disputes the claim that the Bundestag is losing its power in favour of the government.  相似文献   

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Peter Job 《亚洲研究》2018,50(3):442-466
As research by the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor documents, the years 1975–1980 constituted the worst period of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, during which grave human rights took place involving a high loss of life. In Australia, the government headed by Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser (1975–1983) sought to present itself as a supporter of human rights and the international rule of law. It also prioritized relations with the Suharto regime, which it saw as key to its policy position in Southeast Asia. These two positions came into conflict due to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor. The Fraser government therefore worked to propagate a narrative concerning East Timor which denied the seriousness of the situation, distorted the historical narrative, deflected blame from Indonesia, and depicted the Australian position as principled and realistic. This paper examines the development of this narrative as events progressed and information concerning the crisis in East Timor came to the attention of the outside world. It also examines how the Fraser government employed this narrative internationally in order to protect the Suharto regime from scrutiny.  相似文献   

13.
《中东研究》2012,48(5):807-814
The crisis that unfolded after Iran's June 2009 presidential election exposed the absolutist nature of the state's highest religious authority (wali-ye faqih), Ayatullah ‘Ali Khamena'i. It also revealed the urgent need to critically interrogate Ayatullah Khomeini's doctrinal justifications for the governance of the jurist (wilayat al-faqih) in light of how ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, the first Shi‘i Imam, assumed the caliphate: divine bestowal (nass) combined with public investiture that took the form of bay‘a (oath of allegiance). Ayatullahs Husayn ‘Ali Montazeri, Mohsen Kadivar, Yousef Saanei, Bayat Zanjani and Mehdi Karrubi have attempted to devise a model in which sovereignty belongs to the public and limits the clergy's role in daily matters of the state to oversight and guidance. In contrast, Ayatullahs Kazemeyni Boroujerdi and Mojteba Shabestari argue for a clear-cut separation between the church and the state so that the public can choose its form of government since no specific form is prescribed in Islam. On the other hand, Ayatullah Mesbah Yazdi, a member of the Assembly of Experts, has consistently been a passionate advocate of the absolute authority of the jurist in its most comprehensive form and a vehement opponent of any dissenting discourse on this subject.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article explores the use of petitions in, and by, the courts of the Church of Scotland. It distinguishes between routine petitions and addresses concerning matters of national significance. The former were submitted to the church courts by individuals or groups, and requested that the courts take decisions or perform particular actions. These petitions reveal much about the exercise of discipline, poor relief and ecclesiastical administration, and provide rich evidence of the engagement of ordinary people with the church courts. The second type of petition was usually addressed to parliament or another secular body by one of the higher church courts. In studying petitions on national affairs, we can identify how the formulae of humble supplication were adapted for the purpose of protest, and thus comment on the tensions between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of early modern Scotland.  相似文献   

15.
Marco Nilsson 《中东研究》2018,54(4):638-651
This study analyzes how Kurdish women experience the violence and other consequences of the armed conflict raging between the PKK and the Turkish state. Interviews conducted in Istanbul, Ankara, and Diyarbakir suggest that Kurdish women experience the conflict both as members of an oppressed minority and as women. The study first focuses on identifying sources of conflict related stress that are specific to women, such as the need to be silent to protect their families, and then analyzes the strategies that Kurdish women use to deal with this stress as women, including networking and education.  相似文献   

16.

Mizh—A Monograph. By Sir Evelyn Howell, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. Published by Government of India Press, Simla, 1931.

The Culture and Art of India. By Radhakamal Mukerjee. Published by George Allen and Unwin. 1959. Pp. 447. 55 illustrations. 50s.

Sources of Indian Tradition. Compiled by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Stephen Hay, Royal Weiler, Andrew Yarrow. Columbia University Press, New York, and Oxford University Press, London. Pp. 961. Indexed. U.K. price 55s.

Foundations of Tibetan Mysticism. By Lama anagarika Govinda. Published by Rider and Co., 1959. Pp. 310. Index, bibliography. 30s.

The Revolt in Tibet. By Frank Moraes. Macmillan Co. of New York. 1960. Pp. 223. (Price not given.)

The Naked Hills. Tales of Afghanistan by Charles Beardsley. Peter Davies. Pp. 275. 16s.

Riding to the Tigris. By Freya Stark. John Murray. 21s.

Ottoman Imperialism and German Protestantism, 1521–1555. By Stephen A. Fischer‐Galati. O.U.P. for Harvard University Press. 1959. Pp. viii +140. 32s.

The Soviet Union and the Middle East. By Walter Z. Laqueur. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. Pp. x + 360. Index. 35s.

A Political Study of the Arab‐Jewish Conflict. The Arab Refugee Problem. By Rouy E. Gabbay. Published by Librairie E. Droz, Geneva. Bibliography, index. Pp. 611. Swiss Frs. 50.

History and Tribes of Jordan. By F. G. Peake. Published by University of Miami Press. Pp. 253. Maps.

Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism, 1840–1868. A contemporary account by Antūn Dahir al‐'Aqiqi, and other documents translated by Malcolm H. Kerr. Published by the American University of Beirut, 1959. Pp. 159. Index.

Sun and Shadow at Aswan. By Herbert Addison. Chapman and Hall. 1959. Pp. 166. 18s. Indexed and illustrated.

Bankers and Pashas. International Finance and Economic Imperialism in Egypt. By David S. Landes. Heinemann. 1958. Illustrated. Pp. 344. 30s.

The Tales of Marzuban. Translated from the Persian by Reuben Levy. Thames and Hudson. Pp. 254. 25s.

Human Relations Area Files Incorporated. Subcontractor's Monograph. Afghanistan. Edited by Donald N. Wilber (1956). 2 vols. Indexed. 460 and 842 pages.

The Foundation of Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1638–1658. By K. W. Goone‐wardena. Under the Auspices of the Netherlands Institute for International Cultural Relations. Amsterdam, Djambatan. 1958. Pp. xx+196. Maps and illustrations. Dfl. 30 (57s.).

Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1658–1687. By S. Arasaratnam. Under the Auspices of the Netherlands Institute for International Cultural Relations. Amsterdam, Djambatan, 1958. Pp. xxii + 246. Maps and illustrations. Dfl. 32 (60s.).

The Junkman Smiles. By G. R. G. Worcester. Chatto and Windus, London. Pp. 254. 8 Plates, drawings and map by the author. 21s.

Chinese Art and Culture. By Rene Grousset. Published by André Deutsch. 55s.  相似文献   

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In mixed-member proportional systems with closed party lists, such as the German Bundestag election, candidates’ electoral fate is widely determined by their placement on party lists. Despite its importance for the final composition of parliaments, candidates’ list placement in such systems is still under-researched. The literature on political careers has revealed a number of prevalent recruitment factors, but how these factors actually affect candidates’ placement on party lists has rarely been tested. This paper puts forward the question of what recruitment factors affected candidates’ chances to be allocated viable list positions in the 2013 German Bundestag election. The findings suggest that in particular candidates’ incumbency status, their number of prior candidacies and district nominations play key roles in shaping candidates’ electoral viability.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(3):482-492
This article analyses the conception of womanhood and nationhood in Turkey through images of the First Lady in the media. It demonstrates that while there is a struggle between the secularist and Islamist media on issues such as Turkish national identity and public visibility, the secularist and Islamist discourses overlap when it comes to gender roles. In both cases, the private sphere is designated as the primary domain of women and the agency of women in the public sphere is limited by the symbolic duties they are expected to perform in accordance with the national imaginary.  相似文献   

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