On New Concept of Nuclear Deterrence

Nuclear weaponry is undoubtedly the most important ＂military legacy＂ to the 21st century left over by the last century. The concept of nuclear deterrence, derived from nuclear weaponry, is one of the important elements in international security and strategic studies in the past 50 years. Although nuclear deterrence is still regarded as a major pillar for maintaining stable relations between major powers and for safeguarding national security, yet profound changes have taken place in its meaning.     

新军事变革时代的威慑与国际安全

随着新军事变革时代的到来 ,传统威慑观念及威慑战略日益经受冲击 ,核大国特别是超级大国威慑战略的结构与功能也出现了新的变化。由于威慑能力发展的不平衡 ,这种变化给国际安全形势增添了诸多新的变数。     

"后后冷战时代"观的思考

本文就美国政要“9·11”后提出的所谓“后后冷战时代”观进行了评析 ,认为此一提法既是美国政要对当前时代的一种概括 ,也包含潜在的战略意图 ,即借机整合世界 ,塑造反恐新形势下美国主导的国际政治新秩序。对于“后后冷战时代”观 ,各国虽认识到其中的合理性 ,但也多少看清了美国背后的战略用心 ,因而并不积极呼应 ,致使这一概念未广泛流行。对于中国 ,“后后冷战时代”观能否成为国际通用的“范式”并不重要 ,关键在于体悟其背后的战略内涵 ,制定更为合理的对外战略。     

核威慑效应的生成及印巴核威慑的稳定性

核威慑理论伴随着冷战的展开而逐渐丰富,对稳定核威慑需具备的条件,学者们的论述基本趋向于大致相同的结论,然而在适用上却也有不同的解释。自1998年南亚的印、巴进行公开核试验以来,两国核竞赛有增无减,使南亚成为核关注的焦点。印巴两国虽然经历了几次紧张的对峙和冲突,但最终未走向战争,显然核威慑对抑止冲突升级发挥了重要作用,虽然南亚核威慑因技术条件的有限性使其相对脆弱,但在彼此的核学习和相互角逐过程中,两国的威慑会渐趋稳定。     

Examining Deterrence and Backlash Effects in Counter-Terrorism: The Case of ETA

Scholars are increasingly drawing on models and theories from the field of Criminology to offer new insights on terrorist violence. A particularly useful framework by LaFree, Dugan, and Korte works from the assumption that illegal behaviour can be affected by the threat and/or imposition of punishment. It sees the results of the government's intervention in terms of deterrence (state's repressive action leads to a reduction in terrorism violence), and backlash (state's repressive action leads to defiance and retaliation, and to an upsurge of terrorism violence). This article applies this model to a case study of the government's responses to Euzkadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). It uses a variation of survival analysis technique—Series Hazard—to assess the impact of six major initiatives on the risk of new ETA attacks in the period from 1977 to 2010. Mostly, the results provide support for both backlash interpretations, although important questions regarding interpretation are raised.     

日本战后防卫政策的演变及走势

战后日本在有计划地发展自己的防卫力量的同时 ,也逐步背离“专守防卫”的原则 ,走上了一条政治军事大国化的道路。本文认为 :和平宪法和日美安保法这两个内含矛盾的法律体系之间的张力形成了战后日本防卫政策演变的内在原动力 ;日本自身综合国力的增强为军事大国化奠定了坚实的物质基础 ;日本善于抓住有利的历史时机也是日本防卫政策得以转变的重要原因。在对日本战后的防卫政策作了上述思考的基础上 ,本文最后对日本防卫政策的今后走向作了一个展望。     

后西方世界秩序下的核武器与核威慑

全球国际社会正处于一个关键的变化时期。长期以来占主导地位的西方秩序在如下几个方面面临包围:霸权分散、全球资本主义危机日益加重、全球共同面临恐怖主义、大规模移民以及环境变化等带来的各种威胁。英国脱欧、特朗普当选美国总统这些事件表明,作为世界秩序核心的英语世界,已失去其主导力量。目前的发展格局将朝着多元化的后西方世界秩序发展。在此秩序下,没有超级大国,只有大国,并且这些大国大多比较自我封闭,因此,并不存在真正意义上的争夺全球霸权的现象。文化差异将比意识形态差异更为重要。文章首先将这一秩序的轮廓做一大致勾勒,然后探讨这一秩序对未来几十年核武器与核威慑所要扮演的角色来说将意味着什么。最为关注的着眼点是,全球格局从全球层面向区域层面的转变以及复杂的核扩散与核威慑态势。     

美国在战后东南亚非殖民化过程中的政策

非殖民化是战后美国对东南亚政策中无法回避的问题。二战期间,美国试图为东南亚殖民地区设计非殖民化的道路。然而,战后复杂的国际政治现实使美国在非殖民化问题上趋于保守,基于全球战略及其建立世界经济体系目标的考虑,美国在东南亚非殖民化过程中的政策变得灵活而现实。战后美国决策层未能真正理解东南亚殖民地民族自决以及更深层次的非殖民化的历史动力,其现实主义政策直接影响到了后殖民时代美国与东南亚的关系。     

Alliance Proximity and Effectiveness of Extended Deterrence

This article examines whether geographical proximity between defensive allies and a protégé increases the likelihood of successful extended general deterrence. I argue that proximate allies are better at making a credible deterrent threat because proximate allies are more willing and able to help alliance partners in times of crisis than distant ones. This claim is theorized by examining how geographical distance influences the international and domestic costs of alliance commitments. The empirical tests reveal that a potential aggressor is less likely to initiate a militarized dispute against a target with proximate defensive allies. Furthermore, I find that the power of proximate defensive allies is a more significant determinant of successful extended general deterrence than that of distance allies. Interestingly, I also find that the constraining effects of geographical distance on the effectiveness of extended general deterrence have been alleviated by advancements in military technologies throughout history.     

Tempering Optimism about Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia

This article tempers the argument of deterrence optimists, who make the case that nuclear deterrence has maintained the peace between regional nuclear rivals. In particular, it challenges the assertion by Kenneth Waltz that “nuclear deterrence has passed all of the many tests it has faced” among regional rivals in South Asia. Examining two major regional military crises, this article notes that, first, nuclear deterrence was not the key factor ending these crises. Instead, nonnuclear factors involving American diplomacy, which provided the participants with timely exit strategies, ended the crises. Second, if these crisis-ending factors had not been present, there was a strong possibility of significant military escalation, and nuclear deterrence would not have averted such an escalation. The article concludes by noting that, in regions where deterrence optimism is not well supported, Washington may continue intervening in crises between nuclear rivals, and, anticipating such a U.S. approach, regional rivals could become involved in repeated military crises over the long term.     

Getting a Grip on Tailored Deterrence: The World of Conflict Management

The assumption that the United States operates from a position of strength relative to its potential enemy underpins U.S. deterrence theory. This perceived strength has emboldened American administrations to take serious tactical risks, such as the positioning of aircraft carriers in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 1973 Yom Kippur War in order to dissuade Soviet intervention in that conflict. This tacit assumption, facilitated and entrenched by overwhelming U.S.conventional military superiority in the post-Cold War era, forms the foundation both for the relatively recent developmentof tailored deterrence and for the “Flexible Deterrence Options” (FDO) that now constitute a routine aspectof the joint military planning process. This article argues that the tacit assumption of strength is too narrow and can promote the implementation of deterrent policies and actions that have the opposite effects of those intended. Deterrence, rightly understood, is a component of a conflict management strategy which implies a degree of weakness on the part of the statethat employs it. This condition must be recognized and then incorporated into policies and plans for deterrence.     

网络威慑与霸权重塑：美国网络威慑战略的演化及动因探析

网络空间正在成为信息化时代美国全球战略竞争的主要领域之一。为适应迅速扩张、充满不确定性的网络环境,美国将传统威慑理念引入网络安全战略领域,以网络威慑作为其追求安全利益、扩大竞争优势、重塑国际霸权的重要手段。美国的网络威慑战略不断调整,先后经历了被动应对、主动防御、攻势主导和立体威慑四个阶段,在网络霸权追求的驱使下呈现出威慑态势日益强化、威慑体系不断完善、攻防兼备且偏重实战等趋势。美国的网络威慑战略强化受到多种内外动因的影响,是安全—利益考量、权力—政治诉求、思想—文化根源以及社会—经济因素等变量叠加作用的结果。美国企图超越传统的战略逻辑,但其战略制定与实施并未单纯地停留在“安全”层面上,而是在激进特征的推动下进行战略的演化发展,其安全思维背后的霸权实质形成了一种战略悖论,不仅造成美国的内在逻辑困境,还将导致攻防相悖的脆弱安全环境并动摇国家间的战略平衡。     

美国实战威慑核战略：理论、历史与现实

以《不扩散核武器条约》为基础的国际防扩散制度已经走过了半个世纪,如今却面临日益严峻的挑战。对于全球防扩散与核裁军进程出现的倒退,美国负有特殊的责任。这突出表现在三个相互关联的理论、历史和现实问题上。首先,经典核威慑理论并不能充分解释美国矛盾的核战略和防扩散政策。以实战威慑和延伸威慑构成的绝对自由核战略才是长期指导美国核政策实践的根本。其次,通过对20世纪50～60年代的冷战史进行再挖掘可以得知,一般认为的美国核战略在主张核武器用于实战的保守派和主张核武器仅用于威慑的自由派之间摇摆,实际上夸大了自由派对美国核战略的影响。美国在大多数总统任期内将绝对自由核战略作为拱卫其构建战后国际秩序和获得对苏联战略优势的关键。最后,核武器与非核武器的互动是当前核时代的一个显著特征。随着新技术革命的兴起,传统的核威慑和战略稳定正面临极为复杂的挑战。然而,美国依旧以核常融合、攻防兼备构筑绝对优势,并以新兴技术、跨域威慑确保全面制胜。其结果持续引发由核武器与常规武器互动、谋求技术先发优势以及追求绝对自由所导致的"三元悖论",从而对全球战略稳定和国际防扩散制度产生进一步冲击。     

战后国际秩序的演进与启示:制度改革的视角

战后全球性国际秩序及其制度载体几乎涉及国际关系的所有领域,总体上包括两大部分,一是国际政治和安全秩序,二是国际经济秩序。战后国际秩序的历史演进主要体现为国际制度的改革和发展,大致经历了四个阶段:美国主导时期、制度改革的源起和发展时期、自由市场转向时期和国际秩序改革新时期。在战后国际秩序及其制度规则的发展和演进过程中,发展中国家始终是推动改革的中坚力量。当今世界正经历百年未有之大变局,国际秩序进入改革和调整的新时期。在维护战后国际秩序的前提下,国际制度的改革和发展将是百年变局的一个核心议程。考察战后国际秩序的演进历程,将为思考新时期国际制度的改革和发展提供历史启迪。