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This article analyses the communication network of German legislators with society. Using the ‘linkage approach’ to the study of political representation, and based on interviews and postal questionnaires administered to parliamentarians of the German state of Bavaria, the article discusses the personal linkages of legislators, their most important partners, their sources of information and political impulses, and their time budget devoted to ‘linkage activities’.  相似文献   

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The political process in the old Federal Republic was distinguished by all‐pervasive negotiations and an orientation towards consensus, as indicated by the concepts of ‘co‐operative federalism’, ‘co‐operative opposition’ and ‘neo‐corporatism’ frequently used to describe relations between the federation and the state governments, between the federal government and opposition, and between the federal government and organised economic interests. Some observers expected German unification to lead to fundamental changes in these traits. This study of the negotiations which took place over a ‘Solidarity Pact’ between September 1992 and March 1993 concludes that, far from the political process of the old Federal Republic having been transformed by unification, its distinguishing traits appear rather to have been reinforced. It argues that, whilst there will be no second Solidarity Pact, cooperation and compromise will remain more pervasive in the politics of the unified Germany than confrontation and polarisation.  相似文献   

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Trade unions have generally been neglected in the discussion of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the related neo-liberal restructuring of European social relations of production. This article helps to fill this gap through a comparison of British and German unions' position on EMU and European co-operation. It is demonstrated that there is a split between British transnational production sector unions, which support EMU and Europe-wide co-operation, and British national sector unions, which criticise the deflationary implications of EMU and focus on the national level in their policy-making efforts. In Germany, by contrast, EMU is generally accepted by unions with the exception of the construction workers' union. A division between internationally oriented and nationally oriented sector unions can only be identified in relation to the issue of Europe-wide co-operation, where the former are in favour and the latter reluctant. Importantly, however, unions in both countries strongly criticise neo-liberal economics, whether they support or oppose EMU. This may become the basis for a counter, neo-liberal strategy within the European Union.  相似文献   

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《German politics》2013,22(1):173-190
This article is concerned with the qualitative rise of German influence in an enlarged European Union (EU). The point of departure is the assumption that eastward enlargement facilitates the further expansion and manifestation of German power in Europe via the institutionalisation of parts of the Modell Deutschland in the candidate countries prior to their accession. This article examines the power tools that have facilitated the transfer of Bundesbank ideas into the institutional structure of Poland's national central bank, Narodowy Bank Polski (NBP). The analysis demonstrates that the relationship between Germany and its eastern neighbours is not only determined by the former's physical capacities but, in reflection of post-war Germany's foreign policy strategy, relies on the persuasiveness of Germany's ideational lead.  相似文献   

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Why, despite improving living conditions, has the acceptance of the Western system of institutions (democracy, market economy) decreased in the past few years in eastern Germany? This article criticises the widely held socialisation thesis which seeks to explain the declining acceptance of the Western system on the basis of the difficulties faced by east Germans in adapting to the new conditions. Their attitudes were formed by the socialist system of the GDR, and they still clung to socialist ideals. This article, on the contrary, argues that the declining trust in political institutions and market economy results from current experiences of the transformation process in unified Germany, primarily as a consequence of being treated as ‘not equal’ to west Germans.  相似文献   

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《German politics》2013,22(2):135-154
This article examines the main changes in the German model from the government of the previous Social Democratic Chancellor Helmut Schmidt to that of Gerhard Schroder. It stresses the tensions and conflicts between its two faces - ordo-liberalism and 'managed' capitalism - and its potential to shift its centre of gravity without sacrificing its underlying nature. The key element of accommodation rests on a monetarist co-ordination of collective bargaining, an element that has been put in question by EMU. The Schroder government epitomizes an approach of modernisation by stealth that is well adapted to the contours of the German model. The conclusion points to the attempts to give a technocratic basis of legitimacy to the German model (most recently by the methodology of benchmarking) and seeks to offer a preliminary sketch of a theory of anchoring to explain how well consolidated is the German model. In addition to identifying slipping and weakening anchors, the conclusion emphasises the importance of two key anchors: the consistency of the German model with corporate strategy and with a chancellorship leadership adapted to the consensus principle which remains important in the operation of the political system. In the process the article offers reflections on the leadership role and style of Chancellor Schroder.  相似文献   

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Abstract

In an attempt to publish some reviews sooner after material comes out, the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars has added this section of short reviews of individual books, movies, TV series, and so on. For more information about short reviews as well as review essays, see the introduction to the list of books to review on p. 92 of this issue.  相似文献   

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The political dynamics of unification brought about a rapid transition from a largely self‐contained socialist economy to a monetary union and at the same time initiated a painful adjustment process. The article analyses public debates and interpretations of economic events and prospects which contributed to the construction of the economic‐political dimensions of German unification.  相似文献   

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At first glance, the Europeanisation of the German Bundestag seems quite straightforward: in reaction to the process of European integration the Bundestag acquired a set of comparatively strong participation and scrutiny rights in EU politics. It therefore seems rather astonishing that German members of parliament make only very little use of these rights. Different explanations have been put forward in the literature, such as the complicated decision-making system of the EU and the government's gate-keeper position within it, institutional flaws of the German scrutiny system as well as the overall consensus on European integration and the low electoral salience of EU issues. The paper contributes to this discussion in two respects: On the one hand, it offers an additional explanation for the infrequent use of formal instruments. The main argument is that the formal instruments of scrutiny in EU affairs are incompatible with both the overall logic of a parliamentary system as well as the challenges of policy-making in the EU multilevel system. On the other hand, the paper argues that the exclusive focus on the use of formal parliamentary scrutiny rights leads us to overlook more informal means of parliamentary influence and therefore to underestimate the involvement of German parliamentarians in EU affairs. Thus, in order to fully assess processes of parliamentary Europeanisation, we need to take forms of informal or strategic Europeanisation into account.  相似文献   

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