Rethinking Conflict: Perspectives from the Insight Approach

In this article, the authors present the “insight approach” to conflict as an analytical and methodological framework that addresses the dynamic interactions between conflicting parties. According to the insight approach, conflict is relational, dynamic, and adaptive, generated from the responsive interpretive frameworks that parties use to construct meaning. Conflict arises as a result of parties' experience of what insight theorists call “threat‐to‐cares,” which generates defend–attack patterns of interaction between them. The authors suggest that rethinking the nature of conflict so that it is seen as an interaction embedded in meaning making enables conflict interveners to help parties gain insight into, and articulate, the values that are being generated, advanced, threatened, and realigned within the complex interactions that define us as social beings. In doing so, parties develop abilities to generate new patterns and solutions that can limit and even eliminate the experiences of threat that generate conflict between them.     

非洲民主化：外因与内因

影响非洲民主化的因素可以概括为外部和内部两个方面。冷战结束为非洲民主化提供了一个契机,苏联的解体、美国和法国对非洲政策的改变是促使非洲政治改革的外部因素。但与国际环境的改变相比,非洲国家内部人民要求改革的呼声和为此而采取的实际行动则是非洲民主化发展的决定性因素。内外部因素相互作用使有些非洲国家的政治改革走向成功,但有的却没有成功。     

Primed for Violence: The Role of Gender Inequality in Predicting Internal Conflict

We know, most notably through Ted Gurr's research, that ethnic discrimination can lead to ethnopolitical rebellion–intrastate conflict. I seek to discover what impact, if any, gender inequality has on intrastate conflict. Although democratic peace scholars and others highlight the role of peaceful domestic behavior in predicting state behavior, many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence—structural and cultural violence—results in a greater likelihood of violence at the state and the international level. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and further tests the grievance theory of intrastate conflict by examining the norms of violence that facilitate a call to arms. And in many ways, I provide an alternative explanation for the significance of some of the typical economic measures—the greed theory—based on the link between discrimination, inequality, and violence. I test whether states characterized by higher levels of gender inequality are more likely to experience intrastate conflict. Ultimately, the basic link between gender inequality and intrastate conflict is confirmed—states characterized by gender inequality are more likely to experience intrastate conflict, 1960–2001.     

Blurring the Dividing Line: The Convergence of Internal and External Security in Western Europe

Abstract

A distinctive feature of the security landscape in western Europe of the post-Cold War era is that the dividing line between internal and external security has become increasingly obsolete—mainly as a consequence of the growing importance of transnational as well as other challenges to security which defy the distinction between domestic and international security. This article examines this convergence of internal and external security agendas from the perspective of the coercive apparatus of western European countries, pointing to a militarisation and externalisation of policing, and an internalisation and ‘policisation’ of soldiering: while police forces are taking on military characteristics, and are extending their activities beyond the borders of the state, military forces are turning to internal security missions, and are adopting certain police features. Moreover, agencies which have traditionally been located at the interface between police and military forces, i.e. gendarmerie-type or paramilitary forces, are assuming an increasingly important role.     

北约续扩对俄罗斯的内外影响

北约首轮东扩后,大大缩小了俄罗斯的战略空间,北约不顾俄罗斯的一再反对,继续按照既定的方针和时间表加紧续扩的准备.俄罗斯一面仍坚持反对,一面开始采取务实策略,在妥协中不断调整应对措施."9.11"事件后,俄美关系虽得到改善,但美国并没有因此而放弃对俄罗斯的北约续扩方针.     

The Internal Israeli Conflict: The Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza Settlements

On October 14 and 15, 2004, just days before the Israeli government submitted to the Knesset a draft legislation to authorize the evacuation of Jewish settlers from Gaza Strip and some settlements on the West Bank, a two‐day conference titled “Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza Settlements: The Internal Israeli Conflict” was held at Harvard Law School. The conference was sponsored by the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, the Saltman Center for Conflict Resolution of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and the United States Institute of Peace. This interdisciplinary conference's six panels, whose proceedings are summarized in the series of articles that follow, explored the religious, ideological, psychological, political, legal, and international dimensions of the conflict. Presenters included former and current Israeli and American government officials, experts on resettlement policies and compensation mechanisms, and scholars from a variety of disciplines. While presentation topics covered a range of issues relating to the settlements, three broad themes arose from the conference. First, participants agreed that it is important, if not fundamental, to understand the perspectives of the national religious settlers who are the driving force behind the settlement movement. Exploring the settlers’ diverse interests, fears, and identities is necessary in order to see why relocation is so threatening to them. The Israeli government can lessen opposition to withdrawal by showing the settlers empathy and reassurance, but only if government officials first achieve a true understanding of the settlers’ concerns. Participants also argued that a reframing of the relocation in ideological terms could be another critical component of a solution to this problem. It may be necessary for the leaders of the settlement movement to develop a new narrative or modify the existing one in order to legitimize their relocation. Part of this narrative will involve the concept of “a greater good”— the government must reassure the settlers that their sacrifice is for a higher cause. Several participants noted that Israel needs to show the settlers “tough love.” When the relocations begin, many expect that there will be violence and that disturbing images will be broadcast throughout Israel and around the world. Internal disruption could put the government led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his Likud party coalition in jeopardy. The government must not waver in the face of this crisis, conference participants argued. In fact, the threat of violent and disruptive resistance by settlers and their allies can be part of the solution, not just the problem. The government and relocation supporters can use this extremism to justify decisive measures and to redefine the problem for the broader population to convince them that the stability of the country is at stake. Another major conclusion of conference participants was that, while the Israeli settlement issue has unique features, there is much to be learned from comparative analysis. Other countries have dealt with settlement situations, and their experiences offer invaluable lessons. In particular, participants contrasted Israel's settlements in Gaza and the West Bank with French settlements in Algeria and English settlements in Ireland. Some pointed to the French withdrawal from Algeria, which was politically painful but ultimately successful, as an example of “tough love” that Israel should follow. Finally, the involvement of third parties to help solve this conflict is indispensable. Participants noted that while much of Israel feels alienated from the European Union and the United Nations, the Israeli government is highly sensitive to the concerns of the United States, as evidenced by Sharon's decision to show the Gaza withdrawal plan to the U.S. government before he had even raised it with his cabinet and the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. International participation could help legitimize withdrawal and reduce Israeli responsibility for Gaza's future. Third parties can apply political pressure to encourage an accountable and responsible Palestinian leadership. They may also be called upon to provide some sort of financial aid. The participants acknowledged the complexity of the settlement problem and recognized that easy solutions do not exist. Yet, if the Israeli government works toward understanding the settlers’ perspectives, learns from comparative analysis, and involves third parties appropriately, the likelihood of a successful outcome increases greatly.     

EU's Fight Against Terrorist Finances: Internal Shortcomings and Unsuitable External Models

This article offers an analysis of the European Union's (EU) efforts in the fight against terrorist finances. Following the 9/11 attacks, the EU has adopted the relevant United Nations counterterrorism resolutions as well as the special recommendations of Financial Action Task Force. In addition, the EU has developed its own measures spanning across all of its three pillars. There is, however, a cause for concern that some of these measures have not been properly implemented, while others have been criticized on legal, transparency, legitimacy, and efficiency grounds. These shortcomings are not only due to EU's own internal obstacles, but also result from the EU's uncritical adoption of the prevailing smart sanctions and money-laundering regimes, which are based on a number of unwarranted assumptions that do not reflect the nature of contemporary terrorist threats in Europe.     

论东北亚区域制度化合作的外部干预与内部制约

区域制度化合作的程度反映区域一体化的水平,同时也反映了各国经济、社会、政治诸多层面的合作状况和合作远景。后冷战时代,国际格局的变化为区域性制度化合作创造了发展的空间。国际组织和制度、跨国公司等一些新兴行为体的作用越来越大,这些行为体对于区域制度化合作发挥了先行的效用。同时,东北亚区域制度化合作存在来自外部与内部的干预,区域制度化合作本身制度遵守与网络形成等方面的障碍。但和平与发展的时代特征将为这一地区制度化合作前景提供契机。     

乌克兰"橙色革命":内外因素及其影响分析

2004年年底乌克兰总统大选出现了危机和戏剧性局面,这当中既有国内的原因,也有国际因素的作用。在国际因素方面,主要是以俄罗斯为一方,以美国、欧盟为另一方之间的明争暗斗。美欧支持反对派尤先科,是北约、欧盟东扩思想的继续,是对俄罗斯的进一步挤压。乌克兰“橙色革命”是独联体内“颜色革命”的重要组成部分,俄罗斯地缘政治形势更加严峻,但未必意味着俄罗斯真的失去了乌克兰。乌克兰未来的走向仍然令人关注。     

中期选举对美内外政策和中美关系的影响

11月2日美国中期选举结束后,计票结果显示,共和党以绝对优势重新掌控众议院,民主党则以微弱多数勉强保住参议院过半席位,形成国会两院分治的新局面。此次选举民主党惨败有多重原因。未来两年,奥巴马为力争2012年连任,可能选择走“中左”路线,其内外政策会有所调整,中关关系也面临一些新变数。     

中东政治民主化的内在机制与外部压力

中东政治民主化的动力源于中东社会的内在机制与外部压力。内在机制发育主要与国家的政治传统、经济发展和社会结构的变迁相适应;而外部压力则主要扮演民主的“塑造者”和“推动者”的角色。在实现中东政治民主化的过程中,外部压力只有内化为社会内部的动力,才能推动内部民主机制的启动和运转,使民主观念植根、发育并健康成长。     

谨慎乐观:澳大利亚与中国的崛起

澳大利亚政府乐观地认为自己能够应对中国的崛起,预言未来的美中关系将是合作性的,澳无须在美中之间进行艰难的选择。其理由是:随着中国的强大,它将逐渐融入美国领导的全球秩序。本文认为,这种看法高估了美国的权力,低估了中国的野心。事实上,我们所能期待的最好结果是中国和美国在大国协调中进行妥协与协商。但现实是美国不会与日益强大的中国进行真正妥协,所以极有可能出现更坏的结果,如中国处于主导地位,美中持续敌对或爆发战争。因此,澳大利亚必须努力说服美国与中国合作,一同建立新的“亚洲协调”。     

Another Look at Identity-Based Conflict: The Roots of Conflict in the Psychology of Consciousness

Conflict scholars and practitioners have devoted much effort to understandingwhy differences sometimes escalate into full-blown conflicts. Butnot enough attention has been paid to the psychological and physiologicalprocesses of reality formation and identity formation inherent in thenature of individual human consciousness. The author shows how thefunctions of identity and reality formation pervade human activity, andhow they are particularly connected to conflict. This theoretical constructhas a variety of implications for mediators and dispute resolution in general,which the author illustrates with a series of brief case examples.