俄罗斯现代化构想刍议

"梅普组合"建立之后,俄罗斯加快实施普京的《俄罗斯2020年发展战略》。近期,俄经济学界围绕国家现代化问题展开广泛的讨论,提出俄罗斯的现代化目标以及八种现代化方案,并集中分析了"惯性"、"食利者"、"动员"和"现代化"方案;涉及制度现代化、社会现代化、经济现代化等广泛领域。本文在理论梳理的基础上,分析俄罗斯现代化构想的共性与特点,并提出两点借鉴:创新是实现现代化的关键,竞争是实现现代化的动力。     

United States' strategic possibilities in the South Caucasus

South Caucasus is an area where the United States can obtain a wide number of strategic advantages if a coherent policy towards South Caucasus and the Caucasian Region is developed. This article seeks to throw light on some of the most important objectives the United States can obtain in the region, and explain how the policy of multiple outlets is a cornerstone in American policy for South Caucasus. Furthermore we look at the problems of the current policy, especially those concerning the Baku‐Ceyhan pipeline.     

Simulating terrorism and insurgency: video games in the war of ideas

This article analyses several video games created by Hezbollah and Afkar Media which simulate recent conflicts in Israel and Lebanon. These games are representative of an important new means of waging ideological warfare which is increasingly a part of the media strategies that states, violent non-state actors and media corporations employ in their efforts to persuade audiences. I argue that video games allow their developers to address players as though they were participants in ongoing conflicts, rather than passive observers, and that this style of presentation is extremely useful to efforts to create an attractive image of people who are frequently described as ‘terrorists’. Video games also enable their developers to carefully construct media narratives that appear to be realistic depictions of contemporary conflicts even when those narratives show signs of bias. Through these mechanisms, video games provide violent non-state actors and organizations sympathetic to them with a means of presenting their grievances and displaying their fighting prowess in ways that advance the organizations' strategic goals.     

Academic-community collaboration,gender research,and development: pitfalls and possibilities

Collaboration has become a watchword for development practitioners and theorists. Yet collaboration or partnerships between academics and community-based researchers and activists have often proved difficult. This is particularly true for partnerships with smaller, grassroots community researchers, who are generally less resourced than their academic partners. This paper focuses on such partnerships in gender research, with the aim of reflecting on past problems as well as successes in order to develop strategies for making such projects more truly collaborative, rather than a minefield of broken promises and unspoken (and sometimes spoken) resentments.     

European experience for East Asian integration: ideas, national interests, and the international circumstance

This paper traces the possibility of East Asian integration through comparison with the early stage of European integration on three different levels: ideas, national interests, and international circumstance. Judging from the European experience, ideas always come first, then national interest contests, and eventually the international circumstance conditions the context. I compare the multilateral approach in Europe with the imperial hegemony competition in East Asia, Adenauer’s regionalization policy in Europe with the Yoshida line of Westernization detouring from Asia, and the US and Russia’s different roles in the two regions as external forces constraining the international order. My conclusion for the future of East Asia is located somewhere between views of procedural divergence and fundamental skepticism. I worry about integration for the sake of integration in which regional integration is presupposed as inherently good. Such discourse will easily be deteriorated and such a blind community simply collapses when circumstances change. For these reasons, there needs to be an adequate discussion regarding for what, by whom, and through which method integration is achieved.     

The Soldier, The State, and The Clash of Civilizations: The Legacy of Samuel Huntington

The major military challenge that the United States faces today is the war in Afghanistan. The U.S. military is engaged in a grueling counterinsurgency campaign against the Islamist movement known as the Taliban, which is based among Pashtun tribes in Southeastern Afghanistan and Northwestern Pakistan, who have never been permanently subdued by a foreign military force. This challenge comes in the wake of that other grueling counterinsurgency war that the U.S. military has had to conduct in Iraq, where its chief adversary was the Islamist movement known as al Qaeda in Mesopotamia. Moreover, the challenge in Afghanistan comes on what could be the eve of an impending military challenge, perhaps even a war, with Iran, as that Islamist state relentlessly moves toward acquiring nuclear weapons. In its entire history of two- and-a-quarter centuries, the United States has never been engaged in an unbroken succession of three wars, in three different countries. Together, the U.S. wars with or within Islamist countries add up to what is a “long war,” indeed.     

《小说神髓》的“文学冒险”

坪内逍遥《小说神髓》要展现的是一个庞大的帝国文化图景,其主要意图应置入近代日本社会“他者意识一民族主义一近代国民国家”这一思想观念流程中才能够被理解。它不仅呈现出作者根深蒂固的民族主义立场,而且反映出日本文化界在明治维新后积极谋求文化自立、自强与扩张的文化帝国主义图谋。     

世俗制度的矛盾以及融合性的国家权力

现代欧美国家的权力体系可以被看为世俗化过程的产品,政教分离的过程推动了现代国家制度和权力逻辑的改革。除了主权和民主体系的凝聚之外,国家和社会的分离以及对公民权利的保护更成为欧美自由主义的核心要义。人民在宗教自由的保护之下能够抵抗国家强迫人民接受特定教义的宣导,但是个人的自由却也让共同体认同逐渐流失。中立性让国家无法凝聚共同价值观,现代世俗国家因此陷入进退两难的窘境:世俗制度一方面给予多元社会和平生存的环境,但是另一方面也让国家体系受到社会瘫痪的威胁,自由国家在制度上给予平行社会生长的土壤。现代国家在面对恐怖主义和极端民粹思维时要重新考虑国家承担的政治责任问题,除了要掌握融合性的国家权力之外,更要在政治思想上重新创造共同的价值观。     

李光耀的政治哲学述评

李光耀建立了与新加坡经济和社会发展、对外政策相适应,儒家思想主导、跨越传统与现代的政治哲学,反映现代政治发展一般规律形成,构建具有现代性、现实性、开放性、功能性特征的现代政治的核心价值体系,实现理性政治视域下公民社会的要素组合和向现代国家的过渡,但其以家长式的精英政治为核心的政治哲学在新时期受到后现代思潮的严峻挑战,为当今发展中国家政治发展提供了借鉴和参照。     

浅析印度经济增长的动力

中印是全球经济增长最快的两个发展中大国,但其增长模式却差异很大。印度的经济增长更具潜力和动力,因为推动印度经济增长的因素是:以信息产业为核心的服务业:低投入、高效率的增长模式和强有实力的私营企业。     

The Geography of the International System: The CShapes Dataset

Sceptics of globalization attribute the proliferation of light weapons to economic openness. Increasing globalization apparently weakens public authority, leading to social disarray, anomic violence, and general conditions that make handgun ownership and use more likely. Pro-globalists might argue contrarily that trade openness can raise the premium on peace as violence is bad for business. Moreover, greater interdependence allows the diffusion of anti-proliferation norms and facilitates cooperative behavior among trading partners for stemming the demand for and proliferation of small arms. Using a unique dataset on small arms imports, we find that greater openness to trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) lowers small arms imports per capita. A policy measure of economic freedom is associated with higher small arms imports, but this association seems to be explained entirely by the association between economic freedom and strong bureaucracies. States that are de facto more open to the global trading system are less likely to be inundated with these weapons, but richer, better-governed countries import more small arms. Global policy should pay closer attention to the seepage of these weapons from the relatively wealthy, who manufacture and buy them in larger quantities, to the poor, among whom the ‘problems’ associated with small arms are often manifested. Curbing those factors that encourage globalization, however, would be counterproductive to reducing the trade in small arms and light weapons.     

The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire

The dominant narrative concerning the Bush Doctrine maintains that it is a dangerous innovation, an anomaly that violates the principles of sound policy as articulated by the Founders. According to the conventional wisdom, the Bush Doctrine represents the exploitation of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, by a small group of ideologues—the “neoconservatives”—to gain control of national policy and lead the United States into the war in Iraq, a war that should never have been fought. But far from a being a neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine is, in fact, well within the mainstream of U.S. foreign policy and very much in keeping with the vision of America's founding generation and the practice of the statesmen in the Early Republic. The Bush Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of the fact that U.S. national interest has always been concerned with more than simple security.