‘Schloss Neuwahnstein’? Why the Länder continue to strengthen their representations in Brussels

The establishment of representative offices in Brussels marked the start a qualitative new step in the engagement of the German Länder in European Union (EU) policy. Despite a contested birth, more than 20 years' operation in Brussels have seen these offices become full elements of the sponsoring Länder administrations. This article argues that in both functional and operational terms, the Brussels Länder offices have developed over time to approximate the role played by their federal level counterparts, the Länder representations in Berlin. Enhanced investment by the Länder in their EU presence underscores the increasing relevance of EU issues for the exercise of their domestic policy responsibilities. However, the Länder offices in Brussels remain disputed entities, as federal and Länder government views of their mission and appropriate engagement differ sharply. Thus, while direct engagement in Brussels has become the norm for the Länder administrations, tensions over access to the EU sphere continue to mark Bund-Länder relations in Brussels – more that ten years after a legal solution was established. The article concludes by considering the broader implications of this situation.     

East Germany as a unique case of societal transformation: Main characteristics and emergent misconceptions

This article examines the process of economic transformation in the new German Länder, addressing some of the misconceptions which surround it. First, it questions the concept of ‘shock therapy’. In contrast to other post‐communist countries, east Germans were cushioned from the full force of the transformation to a market economy by government policy which opted for gradualist rather than radical measures. Second, it is argued that the prejudicial effects of the ‘colonisation paradigm’ have been greatly exaggerated. Although key decision centres in political parties and organised interests were located in the west, the new Länder derived considerable benefit from the institutional transfer of a functioning system of interest representation. How then do we explain negative perceptions of economic change in the east? It is argued that these are the result of a failure to prepare the east German people for the difficulties ahead. By postponing problems and prolonging economic hardship, the gradualist road to transformation is inevitably accompanied by a deepening sense of dissatisfaction and resentment at the slow pace of economic take‐off.     

Pathways to Karlsruhe: A Sequence Analysis of the Careers of German Federal Constitutional Court Judges

Judges of the German Federal Constitutional Court can be seen as both judicial and political elites. Yet up to now there is no systematic work on the Court's' judges and especially their careers prior to their appointments. Using sequence analysis, this article identifies four relatively distinct clusters of career characteristics: academia, administration (and administrative courts), ordinary jurisdiction and politics. Judges whose career background is limited to the judicial sphere mostly advance from a level below the Länder to the Länder and then on to the federal level, while those with a background in politics or administration switch less often among them. Furthermore, little evidence was found to suggest that differences in the judges' career paths can be explained by reference to the body that elected them (Bundestag or Bundesrat) or the party that nominated them (CDU/CSU or SPD). The article also illustrates the possibilities of sequence analysis for elite studies.     

Public–Private Partnershipping as a Tool of Government: Exploring its Determinants Across German States

Despite considerable public and scholarly interest in public–private partnerships (PPPs) as a tool of government in Germany, there is no quantitative empirical study exploring the motivations behind policymakers' decisions to (not) use this type of privatisation policy. This article contributes to filling this gap by investigating the extent and determinants of the PPP activities of the 16 German states' governments over the period 2002–09. For that purpose, a PPP Activity Index is constructed which not only includes official PPP project figures but also state governments' programmatic, institutional, and advisory activities regarding PPP. Using this index, we statistically analyse whether fiscal stress, government partisanship, and other factors can help to explain the considerable differences between Länder governments' PPP activities. Among other things, it turns out that partisanship only matters if Socialists are part of a coalition government, and that fiscal transfers have a negative impact on a state's PPP activity level.     

Interest organisation and intermediation in the New Länder

This article examines the formation of civil society in the new German Länder. In the case of the economic interest organisations (employers and industry associations and trade unions), the initiative came largely from the west. Although formal organisational structures were quickly put in place, levels of participation remained relatively low. The resultant weakness in terms of organisational resources perpetuates dependency upon counterparts in the west. A case study on the formation of environmental organisations in the east shows that the initial dynamism in this sector has given way to stagnation and fragmentation. This is symptomatic of the apparent inability of the new Länder to sustain the autonomous organisational activity normally associated with a pluralist civil society.     

Europe and the German Model: Growing Tension or Symbiosis?

Recent conflicts between the Commission of the European Communities and the German government suggest a growing tension between structures of the German political economy and the agenda of economic liberalisation fostered by European integration. Will mounting conflict ultimately force Germany to choose between its commitment to the integrity of the social market economy and support for European economic integration? This article considers the cases of Germany's public sector banks and the German postal service. Both entail potential conflict between the public service functions integral to the social market economy and the competition central to Europe's single market. Examination of these cases suggests that, rather than forcing change on a reluctant Germany and jeopardising the core of the social market economy (SME), enforcement of European competition policy from Brussels has taken place in fundamental symbiosis with the SME. Nonetheless, tensions between federal government and Länder indicate that a positive-sum relationship between Europe's single market and Germany's social market economy may be constrained by German federalism.     

Post-Cabinet Careers of Regional Ministers in Germany, 1990–2011

The study of ministerial careers in Germany is rather new. So far it has been mainly restricted to the federal level and to the career pathways up until cabinet exit. This article, by contrast, concentrates on the post-cabinet careers of regional ministers. Drawing from the scarce literature we first sketch out career patterns of regional ministers prior to and during their time in the regional cabinet. The main focus, though, is on the post-cabinet biographies of all regional ministers in the sixteen German Länder since unification. Our empirical analysis reveals the regional cabinet as the career apex for most ministers. Looking at those ministers who do move up the political ladder after leaving the cabinet shows a clear preference for the national over the European level and the executive office over the legislative mandate. Variation in post-cabinet careers seems not only to be influenced by party, Land and ministerial office (Prime Minister vs normal minister) but also by the causes and circumstances of exit from the cabinet (exit type). These empirical results represent a first step into a new research field – lying waste since Blondel's early attempt in 1991 – and will hopefully provide a starting point for more comprehensive and comparative analysis.     

Adapting to Lisbon: Reforming the Role of German Landesparlamente in EU Affairs

In Europeanisation studies subnational parliaments are so far treated as a quantité négligeable – despite the fact that their key functions are strongly affected by European integration and they are perceived as losers of European integration. Given the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty, which acknowledges a role for subnational parliaments on subsidiarity issues, and given the concept of parliamentary ‘responsibility for integration’ introduced by the German Bundesverfassungsgericht, this represents a substantial gap. These recent changes in the institutional environment have led to a wave of reforms in the German Landesparlamente concerning their EU-related functions. The key strategy is strengthening the control function vis-à-vis the Länder governments. The high degree of convergence in terms of control strategies and instruments is explained by the fact that these reforms follow by and large the path adopted in the aftermath of the Maastricht Treaty, but with some interesting modifications.     

East Germany: another party landscape

Viewed from the heart of the EU in Brussels, German European policy has not been significantly altered by unification. A major reason for this policy continuity is the stability of the composition of German's foreign policy ‘establishment’ in the federal bureaucracy as well as in the political parties. For a combination of reasons, including the economic conjuncture, the enhanced European policy role of the Länder governments, and the lack of socialisation of east Germans into the European project after the Second World War, the political climate has, however, grown more hostile to closer integration. This may prove though to be a conjunctural phenomenon, which will change with an upturn of the German economy. There will be no ‘Britishisation’ of German European policy.     

The new constitutions of east Germany

The restoration of the Lander in the former GDR in 1990 and the unification of Berlin called for a round of constitution drafting in the east that resulted in considerable discussion and controversy within the attentive public and, especially, among legal scholars in all of Germany. Controversy focused on two general issues: direct democracy and certain constitutional provisions such as social rights and state goals. Direct democracy is nothing new for the Länder, since most West German Land constitutions provided for referenda long before the Wall collapsed. But the three‐step process adopted in the east, and in particular the relatively low signature requirements for initiatives and petitions, both of which were in fact first introduced by Schleswig‐Holstein in 1990, did not meet with universal approval. Even more controversial were certain provisions in the Land constititions, for example, Brandenburg, that probably violate the Basic Law, and a number of unenforceable social rights and state goals that raise questions about feasibility and false expectations. This leaves us with questions about just how different from their western counterparts the constitutions in the new Lander really are and whether, given the relatively weak position of the Lander in the policy‐making process in the German federal system and the EU, their constitutional provisions matter that much.     

The mirror has broken: Increasing divergence between national and land elections in Austria

Austrian party politics has involved increasing dissimilarity between national and Länder voting, with the ÖVP now doing much better in Land elections than in national elections, and the SPÖ showing a reverse pattern. This analysis measures dissimilarity and related values both over time and across the Länder. It is shown that there have been three phases in terms of overall dissimilarity. Moreover, the nine Länder are grouped into four clusters based on the national‐Lander variations in voting for each of the two major parties. Such variations are best explained by the more decentralised organisation of the ÖVP.     

Europäische Integration,Modernisierung und Konvergenz

Modernisierung und Konvergenz ihrer Mitgliedsländer ist das sozio?konomische Zwillingsziel der Europäischen Union. Doch inwieweit kann die EU diese Prozesse überhaupt steuern? Dies wird in diesem Artikel für den Zeitraum 1970 bis 2000 empirisch untersucht und mit der Frage nach Mechanismen und Grenzen einer EU-induzierten Angleichung verbunden. Die EU-Gesellschaften sind durch einen Großtrend der Modernisierung aller Mitgliedsländer und einen Subtrend der nachholenden Modernisierung der leistungsschwächeren Länder gekennzeichnet. Es überwiegt die Konvergenz, bei vereinzelten Divergenzen und ?neuen Unterschieden“ im Zuge neuartiger Anpassungsprobleme. In weiten Teilen folgen Modernisierung und Konvergenz einer eigenen, integrationsunabhängigen Logik, doch werden beide durch die europäische Integration unterstützt. Die EU-Mitgliedschaft wirkt über die Mechanismen Ressourcendistribution, Konkurrenz, Regulation und Imitation vor allem für die Nachzügler modernisierungsfördernd und verstärkt dadurch die Konvergenz. Zugleich gibt es Grenzen einer EU-induzierten Angleichung.     

The Kretschmann Effect: Personalisation and the March 2016 Länder Elections

This paper examines the influences of candidate perceptions on Germany’s spring 2016 Länder election results. It takes a comparative approach, using a modified Michigan model on the data collected simultaneously in three Länder (Baden-Württemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate, and Saxony-Anhalt). It explains why the Green party was successful in Baden-Württemberg but not in the other Länder, the impact of the major candidates, and what distinguishes the influences of the current prime ministers running for these elections. Whereas Winfried Kretschmann’s (Green party, Baden-Württemberg) high impact on the election results was driven mainly by a warmth dimension (sympathy), Malu Dreyer (SPD, Rhineland-Palatinate) was viewed as being competent. Both candidates were assets to their parties and co-responsible for the results. In comparison, in Saxony-Anhalt, none of the candidates were as important to the outcomes of the electoral success.     

Vergeschlechtlichte Integration in Europa

Wie sich der Prozess der EU-Erweiterung zu Geschlechterfragen verhält, ist Gegenstand dieses Aufsatzes. EU-Fallstudien über drei Beitrittsländer bilden die empirische Grundlage für die Analyse: Tschechien, Polen und Slowenien. Der Artikel besteht aus drei Teilen. Der erste Teil befasst sich mit dem gesetzlichen Rahmen der EU und insbesondere mit dem Geschlechterkontext in der EU-Politik und den Standards, die den zukünftigen Mitgliedern auferlegt werden. Der zweite Teil umreißt die sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen, unter denen Frauen in diesen Ländern leben, arbeiten und sich um ihre Partner, Familien und Freunde kümmern. Der dritte Teil schließlich untersucht die Genderdiskurse im Dialog der EU mit den Anwärterländern und befasst sich besonders mit den unterschiedlichen Reaktionen der Regierungen und der NGOs.     

The end of the affair? Germany's relationship with France

French–German resistance to the US war against Iraq marked a high point in the two countries' political alignment. It was followed by French proposals for even closer integration. Yet French and German policies and priorities differ in a number of fields. Prominent among these is the EU, where Germany has long worked for a reduction in EU spending and a redistribution of votes among the member countries. After reaching a compromise on these issues, co-operation with France on foreign and security policy has grown particularly close. This has affected Germany's relations with Central and Eastern Europe and with the US, areas where Germany traditionally pursued policies different from France. At the end of the second period of the Red–Green government, Germany's national interests have been redefined as a result of the relationship with France.     

A house divided: A view of German unification as it has affected organised labour

The role of labour unions in the integration of the new Bundesländer is a key one. For the unions themselves, this process presents a challenge second only to the reconstruction period following the demise of the Nazi regime in 1945. The article takes an extensive look at the union expansion process and the differing organisational and personnel strategies of the DGB and its member unions it generated. Against this background, it discusses the most important economic and social issues facing the German unions in the context of east‐west integration.     

Testing the west: Consumerism and national identity in eastern Germany

With unification, Western‐style consumerism washed over East Germany in a gigantic wave that stood in marked contrast to the socialist reality of limited supply and suppressed demands. This article examines the impact of consumerism as a repository of national identities in the new Länder in the aftermath of 1989. It argues that from a quantitative perspective East Germans firmly internalised consumerism by approximating to the consumption levels of their Western compatriots. Easterners also filled consumerism with political meaning. By buying certain products they expressed emerging regional pride, defiance against the sweeping transformation processes and a nostalgic and romanticised reference to the GDR past. These mass‐cultural expressions of national identity serve as telling indicators for the continued separation of the publics’ psyche in east and west.     

Barking Mad? Risk Regulation and the Control of Dangerous Dogs in Germany

The 'focusing event' of a deadly attack on a six-year-old boy by two dangerous dogs provided not only one of the most debated policy issues in Germany in 2000, but also led to regulatory responses by most Länder governments. By assessing the different responses and the selection of regulatory instruments, it is questioned whether the diversity and speed of responses reflected 'barking mad' regulation as predicted by critical commentators of risk regulation. The conclusion argues that the responses reflected incentives existing within the system of German federalism which led to the diversity of responses and regulatory competition 'to the top'.     

The Power of Ideas: How Bundesbank Ideas Have Influenced the Reconstruction of the National Bank of Poland

This article is concerned with the qualitative rise of German influence in an enlarged European Union (EU). The point of departure is the assumption that eastward enlargement facilitates the further expansion and manifestation of German power in Europe via the institutionalisation of parts of the Modell Deutschland in the candidate countries prior to their accession. This article examines the power tools that have facilitated the transfer of Bundesbank ideas into the institutional structure of Poland's national central bank, Narodowy Bank Polski (NBP). The analysis demonstrates that the relationship between Germany and its eastern neighbours is not only determined by the former's physical capacities but, in reflection of post-war Germany's foreign policy strategy, relies on the persuasiveness of Germany's ideational lead.     

‘Responsibility for Europe’: the EU policy of the German Social Democrats since unification

The following article analyses the European Union (EU) policy of the German Social Democrats (SPD) since German unity. Starting from the cross-party European consensus in the early 1990s SPD policy has altered significantly in response to major changes in the ‘policy context’ such as the party's rise from opposition to government, German unification and increasing European integration. Policy change in the SPD has been defined by two dynamics: greater ‘pragmatism’ among a new generation of party leaders that has allowed a ‘freer’ interpretation of German interests; and a gradual prioritisation of EU policy in the party elite that has seen it integrated into a multi-level programme for political governance. The article examines how these changes manifested themselves in SPD policy, focusing on European Economic and Monetary Union and the debate on ‘the future of Europe’.