共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Richard R. Moeller 《German politics》2013,22(1):121-136
The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) has been struggling over the last few years to regain its unity and electoral support. However, since reunification, the party has been declining and splintering as never before. The oldest party in Germany is becoming painfully aware that its present trials and tribulations can be directly linked to its ambivalent position immediately prior to and following the dramatic events of 1989 and 1990. This article addresses the SPD‐SED relationship, one of the most heated topics amongst academics and politicians both within and outside the SPD. It also attempts to account for the Social Democratic ambivalence surrounding the fall of the GDR and the reunification of Germany. Above all, this work highlights the struggle of the SPD coming to terms with the end of its Ostpolitik. 相似文献
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Thorsten Duin 《German politics》2013,22(3):103-119
Support for the SPD has declined in particular among young people for reasons which can be traced to the party itself. The SPD failed to adapt its strategy in response to changing values and attitudes. Its organisational structure does not meet the expectations of the young of participation in politics and has obstructed a clear party identification. Its policy themes are not attractive to young people or not evident. In place of effective policy, the SPD aims at projecting modernity. 相似文献
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《German politics》2013,22(2):88-104
In 1999, the CDU/CSU single-handedly launched an extremely successful petition drive against the SPD-Green citizenship law reform (in particular against dual citizenship). This article argues that four developments converged to explain this tactical innovation. First, Germany's political culture had become a 'social movement society', with even conservatives accepting protest as a political means. Second, the issue of immigration pressurised the party to adopt a hard-line stance in order to co-opt the extreme right. Third, the Kohl government had left a legacy of resistance to citizenship liberalisation and of populist exploitation of anti-foreigner sentiment. Fourth, the petition drive reflected the CDU/CSU's new opposition status and its internal struggle over agenda and leadership. The article concludes with a look at the CDU/CSU's subsequent use of plebiscitory tactics and the implications for the future of protest politics. 相似文献
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Carlos Huneeus 《German politics》2013,22(3):432-459
This article analyses the manner in which Helmut Kohl modernised a traditional party of Honoratioren in the Rheinland‐Palatinate. Four main transformations accomplished this: the renewal of party elite, the construction of a strong party apparatus with a high number of members, the renewal of the party programme, and the strategic alliance with the FDP. These transformations, carried out by Kohl at the Land level in the mid‐1960s, were applied at the federal level after 1973 when he was elected CDU president. They have been constants in his leadership ever since. A close look at Kohl's career in Mainz sheds light not only on his past but also on his present and on his future. 相似文献
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David Day 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2017,63(1):138-139
The Art of Time Travel: Historians and their Craft. By Tom Griffiths (Melbourne: Black Inc., 2016), pp. xviii + 326. AU$34.99 (pb). 相似文献
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《German politics》2013,22(2):146-164
Based on a combination of two analytical perspectives on the relationship between chief executives and their parties, this article offers a historical assessment of chancellor/party relations in Germany since 1949. The case study provides only modest support for the popular assumption that the leaders of left-wing governments are generally more constrained by their parties than their 'bourgeois' counterparts. There is also little evidence supporting the view that the formal combination of party chairman and head of government per se determines much of the relationship between chief executives and their parties. Rather, both with regard to the durability of coalitions and the policy-making capacities of German chancellors, it is the relationship between the former and the Fraktion leaders of the coalition parties in the Bundestag that seems to constitute a key variable. 相似文献
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By analyzing a survey in the Tianjin area, this article investigates the problems and profitability of joint ventures in China,
and draws some policy implications. The authors find that there are a number of systemic constraints on the profitability
of joint ventures, such as input and foreign exchange shortages, rigid labor policies, conflicts between business partners,
and uneasy relations with state authorities. The article concludes that unless the investment environment is improved, China
will not succeed in the competition with other developing countries in attracting the foreign capital needed for its modernization.
Chung H. Lee is a professor of economics at the University of Hawaii at Manoa and research associate at the Institute for
Economic Development and Policy of the East-West Center. He is also author ofThe Economic Development in Japan and Korea (Praeger 1990) andTrade and Investment in Services (Westview 1988). 相似文献
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Henri Bezuidenhout 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):93-110
The Wal-Mart/Massmart merger has caused concern about its possible influence on the South African economy, employment and the autonomy of the state. This study analyses strategic considerations for states that allow foreign corporations to engage in their domestic markets. Globalisation and transnational harmonisation have led to an impetus for corporations to extend their activities across national borders and foreign markets. Based on the theory of sovereignty, this is evaluated against a trilateral background of home country, host country and corporation. The outcome that emerges is that in some cases states have lost a significant share of sovereignty to multinational authorities. With the Wal-Mart/Massmart merger, role-players such as the government, competition commission and trade unions got involved early on and ensured maximum advantage to the country and its citizens. The final conclusion is that such partnerships between host, home governments and transnational corporations can minimise the loss of national sovereignty, but this can only be achieved against a backdrop of economic, societal and political stability and co-operation. 相似文献
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