俄罗斯体制转型的路径依赖——从制度变迁与对外关系相关性视角的一项考察

<正>作为世界上最大的转型国家,近二十年来,俄罗斯的转型和发展过程展现出极其丰富的内涵。这一问题对于整个转型研究来说有着不可替代的重要意义,但迄今仍然处于有待发掘和研究的状态。     

Parliament and nation-building: Max Weber and the German state

SUMMARY

The foundation of the German state in 1871 represents an interesting case of nation-building, since it accomplished political unity among different sovereign states already connected by language and culture. The considerations of Max Weber (1864–1920) are of particular relevance because they not only highlight the specific questions concerning the German nation, but they also apply to several fundamental issues about the formation of new political organizations. First of all, Weber stresses the difference subsisting between the political unity of a nation, which can also be attained in a short time, and the nation-building process, which is more lengthy and complex. In this respect, Parliament plays a central role, because it is entitled to represent the interests of all members of a nation and it constitutes a functioning mediation between the state and the individuals. By analyzing the personality of Otto von Bismarck (1815–98) and the indisputable role played by him in founding and organizing the new state, Weber discovers the relevance of a charismatic leader especially for young nations, which is nevertheless accompanied by the tendency to the concentration of power. Thus, the function of the parliamentary system consists of granting a plurality of charismatic political leaders and at the same time in supervising them. In the course of time, Weber thinks of different reforms strengthening democratization and parliamentarization. On this subject, he argues that efficient technical solutions can be shared by different nations and then adjusted to particular needs. However, he also adds that institutional reforms can ensure better procedures, but they do not solve all political problems.     

The Europeanisation of the German Bundestag: Institutional change and informal adaptation

At first glance, the Europeanisation of the German Bundestag seems quite straightforward: in reaction to the process of European integration the Bundestag acquired a set of comparatively strong participation and scrutiny rights in EU politics. It therefore seems rather astonishing that German members of parliament make only very little use of these rights. Different explanations have been put forward in the literature, such as the complicated decision-making system of the EU and the government's gate-keeper position within it, institutional flaws of the German scrutiny system as well as the overall consensus on European integration and the low electoral salience of EU issues. The paper contributes to this discussion in two respects: On the one hand, it offers an additional explanation for the infrequent use of formal instruments. The main argument is that the formal instruments of scrutiny in EU affairs are incompatible with both the overall logic of a parliamentary system as well as the challenges of policy-making in the EU multilevel system. On the other hand, the paper argues that the exclusive focus on the use of formal parliamentary scrutiny rights leads us to overlook more informal means of parliamentary influence and therefore to underestimate the involvement of German parliamentarians in EU affairs. Thus, in order to fully assess processes of parliamentary Europeanisation, we need to take forms of informal or strategic Europeanisation into account.     

The Financialisation of Sovereign Debt: An Institutional Analysis of the Reforms in German Public Debt Management

This study explores the financialisation of sovereign debt through an in-depth study of institutional change in German debt management. Between 1998 and 2006, the Ministry of Finance fundamentally altered the management of federal public debt by not only disempowering the Bundesbank and Federal Debt Administration as debt managers and outsourcing this task to a new agency, the Federal Finance Agency; moreover, the conservative debt strategy was replaced by strict market orientation. Conceptualising this change as institutional innovation, the paper argues that the Ministry of Finance played a leading role in the reform process. It shows that the arrival of the Euro brought with it a power struggle between the Ministry and the Bundesbank. The evidence fits better the concept of institutional innovation as a result of entrepreneurship than approaches which conceptualise institutional innovations as consequences of profit maximisation or layering and displacement.     

Institutional change and continuity in German infrastructure management: The case of electricity reform

Why, despite improving living conditions, has the acceptance of the Western system of institutions (democracy, market economy) decreased in the past few years in eastern Germany? This article criticises the widely held socialisation thesis which seeks to explain the declining acceptance of the Western system on the basis of the difficulties faced by east Germans in adapting to the new conditions. Their attitudes were formed by the socialist system of the GDR, and they still clung to socialist ideals. This article, on the contrary, argues that the declining trust in political institutions and market economy results from current experiences of the transformation process in unified Germany, primarily as a consequence of being treated as ‘not equal’ to west Germans.     

新时代背景下地方政府智慧政务建设路径研究——以云南省为例

党的十九届四中全会为地方政府加强和创新社会治理、推进社会治理现代化、提高社会治理效能和水平提供了行动遵循。我国地方政府应从强化资源整合、设立协作平台、优化第三方合作等方面进行路径探索,推动我国地方政府在新时代背景下的智慧政务建设,营造发展新格局。     

Marongiu and the Parliament of Sardinia1

I Parlamenti di Sardegna nella storia e nel diritto pubblico comparato (Sardinian Parliaments in History and in Comparative Public Law) was the first important scientific work written by Antonio Marongiu (1902–89) and was published in 1931 in the series of the studies of the Institute of Public Law and Social Legislation of the Faculty of Political Sciences of the University of Rome ‘La Sapienza’ (Istituto di Diritto Pubblico e Legislazione Sociale della Facoltà di Scienze Politiche dell'Università ‘La Sapienza’ di Roma). The facsimile reprint of the text was promoted in 2009 by Marongiu's family as a tribute to the memory of its great ancestor on the twentieth anniversary of his death. Maria Sofia Corciulo's article reproduces the preface to this reprint and is prefaced by a short note about Marongiu and his work.     

The development of the role of the European Parliament

SUMMARY

In this article, Sandro Guerrieri argues the case for studying the emergence of the European Parliament from the historical perspective, now made more feasible by the growing availability of the European Union's own archives at Florence. He suggests that, so far, most analysis of the development of the Parliament has been undertaken by lawyers and political scientists. A historical approach is particularly important, because the European Union does not exactly fit the normal institutional classifications, it is not an interstate association, nor a developed federal state, but combines elements of both. It follows that the European Parliament has developed in ways which partly replicate the development of parliaments in national sovereign or federal states, but is also adapted to the unique political structures of the European Union. The article then traces the path of development from the original Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community, made up of members nominated by the national parliaments to act as a monitor of the work of the High Authority. From its inception, this Assembly began to press for the organization and authority of a parliament. From then on the Assembly and its successor institutions, which in 1962 finally secured the official title of the European Parliament, has steadily enlarged its powers. The article suggests that while the Parliament can be expected to develop many features that have characterized Europe's national parliaments, it will diverge from them because historically it is a pioneering experiment in supranational parliamentarianism.     

德国对华公共外交:以“德中同行”活动为例

本文从公共外交概念的一般释义出发,追溯德国公共外交的历史,剖析其在全球化时代的新内涵,重点通过德中同行系列活动这一主动型公共外交行为的实证分析,深入探讨德国对华公共外交的主导策略、对象、主体、方式和效果等各方面特点,解读德国对华公共外交的意图、运作机制及其可借鉴之处。     

欧洲议会中的主要竞争层面

欧洲议会政治与传统的国家议会政治有很大的不同,相对于成员国国内政治来说,欧洲议会中的政治内容更加复杂,竞争层面更加多样。理解欧洲议会中的竞争层面是理解欧盟政治的一个重要步骤。本文第一部分大致勾勒了这一议题现有的研究成果;第二部分详细阐述了政治科学领域中学者的观点,即"左-右分野"是欧洲议会中的主要竞争层面,而"支持一体化—反对一体化"竞争层面也存在于欧洲议会之中,且与第一个竞争层面相关联;第三部分选取"港口服务指令"立法的失败作为案例进一步证明"左-右分野"是欧洲议会中的主要竞争层面。     

The financial autonomy of the municipalities and the Valencian Parliament

SUMMARY

In the first half of the fourteenth century and on countless occasions, the Crown granted the leaders of the City of Valencia authorization to collect indirect taxes as a means of collecting the subsidies allocated to its military needs. The ratification of fiscal autonomy can be related to the Crown's interest in gaining control of municipal resources as a way of demanding donations in order to accomplish its policies.

The main reason for the royal privilege to raise taxes in favour of the cities was the extensive expenses caused by the conquest of Corsica and Sardinia during the reign of James II. The Kingdom and the city of Valencia came to the aid of the monarch because they were interested in trading with Sicily and these two islands were impeding trade routes. To make things easier, Alfonso IV granted them a privilege to levy taxes on the grain and meat trades and on merchant shipping within the municipal territory of the city of Valencia. The municipal tax on meat and grain was used as a model for the tax approved in the Cortes of 1329, extending it to exports everywhere in the Kingdom of Valencia. The tax approved by these Cortes, agreed in order to collect the subsidy offered to the monarch, was the first general tax validated in the Cortes following the model of the exisiting municipal tax. To mark the occasion of the war against Castile, Peter IV took a decisive step in 1363 and extended the capacity to levy taxes to all royal towns and cities. The municipalities turned indirect taxation into one of the basic pillars of their economy.     

美国崛起过程中的对外策略——以近代美国在华活动为例

本文在史料的基础上,以近代美国在华活动为例,对美国崛起过程中的对外策略进行了探讨。文章认为,近代美国的扩张方式与英国不同。为了增进和维护其在华利益,美国尽力与英国等列强合作,避免冲突;千方百计地推进自由贸易原则,扩大市场;运用软实力树立良好形象,扩大影响。这种策略使美国实现了其在华的最大利益。     

Institutional exclusion as a destabilizing factor: the mass unrest of 1 July 2008 in Mongolia

The paper discusses the 1 July 2008 mass protest in Mongolia. This event has no precedent in Mongolian history and represents a challenge for the social sciences as neither scholars nor political leaders predicted or even admitted its eventuality. Several forms of exclusion – economic, social and institutional – are considered as its potential source. It is argued that the theory of institutional exclusion allows making better sense of the situation. Institutional exclusion means the alienation of ordinary people from government and their inability to rely on the law and official procedures when being engaged in everyday activities. Two sources of primary data inform the analysis: a series of structured interviews with the protesters (N?=?20) and a collection of visual records made during the unrest (N?=?244). The data were processed using methods of both qualitative and quantitative content analysis.     

APEC模式的制度分析

作为一种合作机制的创新,APEC促进了亚太地区的经济合作和政策协调,发挥着信息沟通的巨大作用.本文认为APEC模式属于制度范畴,并结合新制度经济学,从共有理念、行动集团和制度变迁等几个方面对它的特点、内在问题进行了初步分析.     

How to Become an Independent Agency: The Creation of the German Federal Network Agency

The German Federal Network Agency (FNA) was established in 2005 as multi-utilities regulator thereby creating Germany's first energy regulator. It maintains a quite exceptional position in the landscape of German agencies because of its far-reaching independence from political influence. This independence represents an empirical puzzle, because in Germany no comprehensive agencification of the federal administration can be observed and independent agencies are rather an exception than a rule. This article explores whether this puzzle can be plausibly solved by the approach of institutional isomorphism. It argues that the German government faced informal pressure from the European Commission and its endeavour to build a network of European energy regulators at the European level. Furthermore, independent regulatory agencies increasingly became a kind of guiding model in the utilities sector. Therefore, mechanisms of coercive and mimetic isomorphism can be seen as plausible explanations of the agency's independence.     

German Views of the Political System

The article analyses Germans' views of democracy in a longitudinal perspective, especially since unification. It is shown that most Germans in both parts of the country strongly support the idea of democracy although many are at the same time dissatisfied with its practice. This dissatisfaction rests on different motives, ranging from high normative democratic ideals over differences between the normative concept of democracy and the implemented one, including misconceptions of what democracy should or can be to anti-democratic attitudes. At present, Germany faces all these motives of dissatisfaction with democracy, yet in different strata and parts of the society. On the one hand, support for democracy suffers somewhat from declining interest in politics in general, which makes citizens unrealistic about political possibilities and their limits. On the other hand, feelings of economic deprivation, especially in the eastern part, still motivate sceptical views on the western kind of democracy and even in smaller parts of the public an alienation from the democratic credo. Growing inequalities throughout the whole of Germany, especially growing poverty in the lowest social strata, will cause additional systems stress, if it is not moderated by the social welfare system. Thus, the country needs more education in democratic politics for the citizens and more responsive politics on the side of the politicians including more open political structures for citizens' demands and participation.     

Europeanisation of the German education system

In education matters the EU has merely a coordinating function which leaves the member states in full control of their respective education systems. In this article, however, I claim that Europeanisation in education has taken place even before it was officially introduced by the Maastricht Treaty. The aim of this analysis is to explore changes in the German education system as a possible result of Europeanisation. On the basis of institutional and policy analysis in primary, secondary and tertiary education, recent reforms and developments are scrutinised in the light of European integration and globalisation. Despite the obvious dominance of international and global pressures as explanatory variables for reform, it will be argued that a considerable number of features in the German education system are caused by ‘soft’ or indirect Europeanisation.     

Ending Up in Pizza: Accountability as a Problem of Institutional Arrangement in Brazil

Brazilians often complain that investigations of corruption by public servants drag on for years or bring few legal sanctions on the perpetrators. This lack of accountability is so pervasive that a slang phrase, acabou em pizza , is often invoked when investigations are inconclusive. This article investigates the role of four Brazilian public institutions charged with keeping public servants accountable. For analysis, it breaks the accountability process into its three component stages: oversight, investigation, and sanction. Through a study of six prominent cases of corruption, it shows that the weakness of the accountability process in Brazil is due not entirely to the toothlessness of individual institutions of accountability, but also to the independence of such institutions at each of the three stages. These findings suggest that institutional arrangements influence the degree of accountability, and thereby also public trust and confidence, in Latin America's largest democracy.