Making a Cold War in the Near East: Turkey and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945-1947

During the post-war negotiations in the years of 1945 and 1946, the Soviets launched a bitter war of nerves against Turkey in order to establish a military base in Istanbul and share control of the Straits. It was crucial for Britain that the USSR be prevented from gaining any influence in Turkey. However, as Britain was in no position to support Turkey financially, American authorities encouraged by London and Ankara took over the responsibility for Turkey. This articles examines the Great Powers rivalry over Turkey and Turkey's response to it. It argues that regional factors other than US-Soviet confrontation, such as Turkey's security search against the Soviets, also played a crucial part in starting the Cold War in the Near East.     

The 1945 Ethridge Mission to Bulgaria and Romania and the Origins of the Cold War in the Balkans

In autumn 1945, US Secretary of State James Byrnes deadlocked with Soviet Foreign Minister Viacheslav Molotov over the governments of Bulgaria and Romania. To escape, Byrnes dispatched Mark Ethridge, a liberal newspaperman, on a fact-finding mission. Contrary to Byrnes’ hopes, Ethridge found conditions as bad as reported, and went to Moscow to convince the Soviet government to moderate Communist behavior. Ethridge’s damning report on political repression had little effect on Byrnes, who grabbed a face-saving Soviet offer. President Harry Truman, though, read Ethridge’s report and became convinced of the failure of Byrnes’ soft-line and the need to stand up to the Soviet Union.     

The 1945 Ethridge Mission to Bulgaria and Romania and the Origins of the Cold War in the Balkans

In autumn 1945, US Secretary of State James Byrnes deadlocked with Soviet Foreign Minister Viacheslav Molotov over the governments of Bulgaria and Romania. To escape, Byrnes dispatched Mark Ethridge, a liberal newspaperman, on a fact-finding mission. Contrary to Byrnes' hopes, Ethridge found conditions as bad as reported, and went to Moscow to convince the Soviet government to moderate Communist behavior. Ethridge's damning report on political repression had little effect on Byrnes, who grabbed a face-saving Soviet offer. President Harry Truman, though, read Ethridge's report and became convinced of the failure of Byrnes' soft-line and the need to stand up to the Soviet Union.     

冷战与越战的起源

冷战 ,指的是二次世界大战结束以后形成的各自以苏联和美国为首的东西方两大政治、军事集团之间的紧张斗争和较量。这种斗争的形式既是和平的也是非和平的。苏联和美国是冷战的主角 ,它们之间的关系构成了东西方冷战的核心内容 ①。一般把1947年美国“杜鲁门主义”的出台作为冷战开始的标志 ,把1991年苏联的解体作为冷战结束的标志 ,持续时间长达44年之久。越南战争是指二战后美国在越南进行的干涉和战争。关于越战的起始时间 ,学术界说法不一 ,笔者以1961年肯尼迪发动特种战争为标志②。越战的起源与冷战有着密切的联系。一、20世纪50年代…     

Surpassing the Cold War Mentality

Five years have passed since September 11. What has been the influence of these events on international relations? What has changed in the world since then? The majority of scholars hold that the September 11 terrorist attacks were essentially a key event, a "turning point" in the international strategy transformation after the Cold War.Yet some others believe that the September 11 terrorist attacks cannot have had so profound an impact on international relations. For example, in America's Foreign Policy, most articles commemorating the fifth anniversary of September 11 fall into the second category. These articles suggest that, five years after September 11, security issues have not slowed down the pace of globalization; potential strategic competition among the big powers has not been weakened due to their cooperation in counter-terrorism and international terrorist organizations, represented by Al Qaeda, still exist. Meanwhile, many proturning-point scholars think that, after September 11, terrorism has become the main threat to international security and that the strategic focuses of major powers have also undergone a big adjustment, valuing cooperation over competition. There is even a saying that "the central content of international relations is to meet challenges from the non-state actors represented by terrorism."     

The Cold War and Counter-Insurgency

Due to the American-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq, theories surrounding counter-insurgency, or COIN, have aroused intense debate in political, military, and academic circles in the United States, Britain, and other Western countries. This article shows that current thinking about how to fight and defeat insurgent movements is based primarily on Cold War-era theories and conflicts. It traces the evolution in COIN thinking both before and during the Cold War—incorporating Western and Eastern bloc experiences of war against insurgents from Malaya to Afghanistan—but also illustrates the conceptual difficulties of applying doctrines based on the historical record of this era. The article concludes by arguing that theories derived from the experiences of states involved in COIN campaigns from 1945 to 1991 still retain utility, but that there are significant differences between Cold War insurgencies and current conflicts associated with the “war on terror”/“long war” which affect the applicability of doctrines based on historical analysis and the works of Thompson, Kitson, Galula, and other “classic” theorists.     

Exception in Cold War

In the Cold War, India mainly focused its Southeast Asia Strategy on preserving the regional peace and stability, fearing that changes in Southeast Asia would impact India. Generally speaking, India would like to see a relatively strong, stable and independent Southeast Asia, which would guarantee the stability of its east wing. However, fettered by its limited power, its non-alignment policy and its special relation with Soviet Union, India‘s policy toward Southeast Asia remained relatively passive and its relation with Southeast Asia was, to some extent, trapped in a historical “intermission.“……     

冷战时期的土美关系

二战结束后，苏联的威胁、美国的拉拢和对援助的需求使土耳其向美国接近。在对抗苏联这一共同目标下，土耳其和美国最终在1952年结成战略同盟关系。随着国际和国内形势的变化，土美关系中的矛盾日益显现，1975～1978年美国对土耳其实行武器禁运是两国关系的最低点。解除武器禁运后，土美关系趋于缓和，但土耳其更加注意维护本国和民族的利益，而决不再唯美国马首是瞻。     

冷战后的越美关系

冷战后,经过艰难的谈判,越南与美国实现了关系正常化,之后两国关系快速发展。本文着重分析了在两国关系快速发展背后各自的战略意图及其对东亚格局的影响,并对越美关系发展的前景进行了展望。     

冷战期间的古巴与中东关系

1959年古巴革命取得成功,卡斯特罗建立政权。这一政权对外宣布“实行无产阶级国际主义,支援各国人民的反帝、反独裁斗争”。在这一政策背景下,发展与中东的关系成为卡斯特罗的外交考量之一。古巴对中东的政策既有意识形态的因素,也有在第三世界建立古巴的利益范围、增强对苏联的影响力的考虑。古巴与中东国家的关系大致分为5个阶段。古巴对中东外交的特征,一是处理阿以冲突和中东问题的双重性;二是对于增加贸易量和寻找新的贸易伙伴兴趣浓厚;三是在中东的行动处于高风险和多重限制之中。     

冷战后中印关系初探

中印两国在历史上保持了睦邻友好的关系。冷战以后 ,特别是“9.11”事件之后 ,面对新的国际形势和国际环境和各自的国情与任务 ,两国持续、稳定地增强了经济、科技、贸易、文化等方面的合作与交流 ,也加强了政治、军事上的往来与交流。本文对这一时期内的两国关系作简要回顾 ,并对两国发展双边关系、进行友好合作的有利和不利因素作初步的探讨。     

"Miniature Cold War?"

Fu: Relations between America and Russia are one of the most important bilateral ties that could affect the trend of world situation.What's the matter with U. S. -Russia ties? What's wrong with their bilateral relations? People tend to ask these days. Some observers on both sides suggest that post 9/11 honeymoon has turned sour when joint effort against challenges from nontraditional security issues failed to remove original bilateral contradictions over traditional security concerns.Japanese Jiji News Agency saw "a miniature Cold War" evolving and the British Guardian even bluntly pronounced "a new Cold War" on January 3, asserting that disintegration of the former Soviet Union did not terminate bilateral contention, which has only been performed on an international stage more complicated than ever before, with covert scheming against each other replacing overt, direct confrontation. How about starting our discussion with those comments?     

浅谈冷战后波美关系

地处欧洲中部的波兰在欧洲地缘政治史上一向具有重要作用,它与美国关系向来非同一般.伊拉克战争爆发以来,在北约东扩、美国战略东移、欧盟扩大的背景下,美国需要通过波兰加紧控制东欧,美国扶植波兰成为"新欧洲"第一把交椅的态度日趋明朗.但是,已经成为欧盟成员国的波兰,一味倒向美国未必有利于本国安全和发展.在欧美新一轮角逐中,波兰将努力化解欧美矛盾、平衡关系.     

试析冷战后东盟与俄罗斯的关系

冷战结束后，俄罗斯与东盟的关系在政治、经济、安全等各方面都得到了较快的发展，这种发展态势是伴随俄罗斯外交政策的转变和东亚区域合作的兴起，以及国际、国内、双边一系列有利因素推动下形成的。但双边关系仍面临种种困难与挑战。以俄罗斯目前总体实力，在短期内还难以打破中美日在东南亚的力量平衡状态。     

State making and bomb making in the Cold War

Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State 1945-1954 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 2000), pp.xii + 525. ISBN 0-521-64044-X; pb. 0-521-79537- 0.

Lorna Arnold, Britain and the H-Bomb (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), pp.xiv + 273. ISBN 0-333-73685-0; pb. 0-333-94742-8.     

亚太冷战格局再认识

对亚太冷战格局的认识一直存在着不同的看法.在某种程度上,亚太冷战格局与全球冷战格局混同在一起,使人们模糊了对亚太地区自身特点的认识.事实上,全球冷战格局的终结并没有导致亚太冷战格局的终结;亚太冷战格局在某些特定的历史时期只是出现了态势上的缓和,而不是结构上的改变.与欧洲和其他地区不同,亚太地区的冷战格局是由美国一手构建的,它具有自身的延续性、复杂性和长期性.