冷战与发展的矛盾——20世纪50年代美国对东南亚条约组织的经济政策

自二战以来,为了实现自己在东南亚地区的外交、安全与经济等多重目标,美国政府将推动这一区域的经济一体化作为一个重要的手段。美国政府在这方面最早的实践之一就是在1954年成立的、以遏制共产主义为目标的集体安全组织东南亚条约组织中所进行的相关经济活动。由于主要服从美国自身在这一区域的外交和安全目的,美国的相关政策招致相关盟国的批评。不过,20世纪50年代美国政府对东南亚条约组织的经济政策的诸多特点一直延续了下来,甚至在今天也仍可见其影响。     

New Democracy and Alternative Culture: Jazz in West Germany after the Second World War

The American Forces who occupied Germany in 1945–46 had hoped that popularising jazz music might assist in the redemocratisation of Germans under the age of thirty. The Amerika‐Häuser established by the US State Department to build a cultural foundation for democracy amongst younger Germans, and American Forces Network radio each contributed to the gradual emergence of a West German jazz culture which was marked by a series of jazz festivals and the development of a viable recording industry. However most strata of German society neither understood nor cared about jazz. Jazz became confused with — and diluted by — rock ‘n’ roll. Both were rejected as unwanted “Americanization”. Fewer than ten percent of teenagers acquired any taste for jazz. Its appeal was confined to the more privileged and educated. Hence the jazz culture which did recruit itself from the surviving remnants of the Third Reich did not provide an impetus toward democracy.     

Determinants of Turkish foreign policy: changing patterns and conjunctures during the Cold War

THE EARLY CORRESPONDENCE OF RICHARD WOOD, 1831–1841. By A. B. Cunningham, M.A., Ph.D., Cam‐den Fourth Series. Edited for the Royal Historical Society. Volume 3, pp. 281, index.

ISLAM IN THE MODERN NATIONAL STATE. By E. I. J. Rosenthal. Pp. xxii, 416, index. Cambridge University Press. 55s.

L'ACADEMIE ARABE DE DAMAS ET LE PROBLÈME DE LA MODERNIZATION DE LA LANGUE ARABE. By Rachad Hamzaoui. Pp. xii, 84. Leiden, E. J. Brill.

SELECTIONS FROM THE SMUTS PAPERS, edited by W. K. Hancock and Jean Van Der Poel. Volume III, June 1910–November 1918. Pp. 687; Volume IV, November 1918–August 1919. Pp. 461, index. Cambridge University Press, 75s. and 55s.     

Japan’s search for influence in the Korean peninsula after the Cold War: Aspirations and constraints

This article examines Japan’s search for a more active international role in the Korean peninsula after the Cold War. It argues that Japanese foreign policy toward the Korean peninsula after the Cold War has continued to exhibit a reactive posture due to several important constraints. The United States has remained an important factor in shaping the Japanese foreign policy agenda in the post-Cold War era. Moreover, the Japanese domestic political environment, despite the dramatic political realignment after 1993, has continued to favor a nonmilitary Japanese role in world affairs. Finally, the lingering Korean mistrust toward Japan has hampered Japan’s bid to increase its political profile. Consequently, these constraints ensure that Japan’s independent role in the Korean peninsula will be rather limited in the foreseeable future.     

冷战后中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系

根据国际关系的合作竞争概念,冷战后中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系可以分为两个阶段。在这两个阶段中,合作逐渐增多,虽然竞争仍大于合作,但竞争的主导地位有所减弱。受中印关系的影响,未来中印在缅甸的合作竞争关系还存在很大的不确定性,中国需要尽一切可能使之获得良性的发展。     

Loss and Longing: Emotional Responses to West Indian Soldiers during the First World War

Abstract

This article traces the place of black soldiers within British military history from the 18th century to the eve of the First World War. It shows how during the war, attitudes to and representations of West Indian volunteers reflected anxieties surrounding white male efficiency.     

美国对亚非会议政策再探讨——基于东亚冷战的视角

20世纪50年代中期东亚地区冷战的特点是美国着力组建旨在遏制中国的军事同盟体系,而中国通过落实国际和平统一战线政策力图突破美国的封锁。亚非会议成为中美两国冷战角力的焦点。美国对亚非会议的政策有两个基本点:第一,美国不公开反对召开亚非会议,但鼓励所谓“温和国家”与会,以间接发挥美国对会议的影响力;第二,全力阻止会议发起国做出邀请中国与会的决定。在行动没有奏效的情况下,转而要求自己的盟国代表“自由世界”发言,尽可能限制中国代表团在会上的影响。会议开幕后,美国没有对周恩来提出的缓和台湾地区紧张局势的声明给予积极回应。会议结束后,美国逐渐认识到周恩来的外交活动在会议上取得了成功,但仍然未能促使它改变遏制、敌视新中国的政策。     

从外交到移民——美国对中国“滞留”学生政策的转变分析(1948~1957)

“滞留”美国的中国留学生是冷战初期中美关系中的重要议题之一。两国在围绕其去留的反复较量中,美国的政策变化不仅是对现实利益的追求,更重要的是为满足其冷战意识形态斗争的需要。中国留学生与中共的跨国政治联系直接影响了中国政府在争取滞留人士过程中的方针策略。此外,部分滞留的中国留学生转化为永久定居美国的移民,在美国移民政策中创造了诸多“先例”并产生了多米诺骨牌效应,对此后旅美外籍留学生申请永久移民产生了深远影响。     

Fighting the Korean War in pacifist Japan: Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and American Cold War containment

Where does “pacifist” Japan fit within the history of the Korean War? Was Japan simply the beneficiary of the wartime boom – a case best exemplified by Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru’s characterization of the Korean War as “a gift of the gods”? When North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel and launched a full-scale attack against South Korea, the U.S. occupation in Japan quickly transformed the pacifist nation into the indispensable rear base of United Nations military intervention in the Korean War. The Japanese Communist Party and leftist groups organized by zainichi Koreans (Korean residents in Japan) launched an antiwar movement to stop Japan from producing and sending arms to UN forces in Korea. The U.S. occupation responded with determined efforts to contain every antiwar voice emerging from the streets of the pacifist country. By examining the political dynamics of zainichi Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and U.S. countermeasures, this article shows how the Korean War was fought in pacifist Japan. It also illuminates how the practice of Cold War containment was mutually linked on the ground between occupied Japan and South Korea.     

Domestic–External Linkages and the Cold War in 1953 and 1989: Using International Relations Theory and Comparative Politics to Explain the End of the Cold War

Drawing on theories of international relations (IR) and comparative politics, this article explains why the cold war ended in 1989 rather than 1953. Numerous scholars have used IR theory to discuss the end of the cold war, but most of the circumstances they highlight were also present in the spring of 1953, right after the death of Joseph Stalin. This article presents three broad theoretical approaches that deal with the connection between domestic politics and international relations, and it then shows how these approaches can help us understand the similarities and differences between 1953 and 1989. In particular, the article emphasises the importance of time. In the spring of 1953, the window of opportunity was very brief—only a few months, which was insufficient for the two main cold war antagonists to overcome their deeply entrenched suspicions and make far-reaching adjustments in their policies. In the latter half of the 1980s, by contrast, the sweeping reorientation of east–west relations occurred over several years, giving policy-makers on both sides sufficient leeway to adapt and to 'learn' new ways of interacting.     

Revolutionary Movements in Latin America after the Cold War: The Case of the Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo

This article addresses the debate concerning the reasons for the emergence of revolutionary movements in Latin America in the post‐Cold War period. It uses the example of the Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo (EPP, Paraguayan People's Army) to question the hypothesis by McClintock that, whereas political factors were the principal cause of such movements during the Cold War, economic factors have dominated since then. After reviewing the structural context in which the EPP emerged, as well as its history, strategy and ideology, the article offers a contemporary understanding of the insurgency, examines its relevance to the debate about the prospects for revolution in post‐Cold War Latin America and proposes a reformulation of McClintock's hypothesis.     

冷战初期日本南海政策及东南亚战略取向

冷战使日本在美国的全球战略中作用提升,成为反共"防波堤",其具有政治目的性的东南亚"经济外交"呈现出明显的海洋战略取向,且影响至今。因地缘利益、东南亚战略,日本南海政策的基本出发点自冷战开始后始终没变,即追随美国遏制中国政策,对南海诸岛归属问题上采取模糊态度和立场,这为后来南海周边某些国家侵占南海岛礁留下所谓借口。此时日本还曾插足于南海诸岛,由于海峡两岸对南海权益的维护使其非法行为无法为继,但随着经济的发展,日本越来越依赖南海航道和加大南海石油资源的开发,这决定其"关心"南海问题就是势所必然了。     

Women in War and Peace: Karen Women’s Political Participation during and after the Karen–Burma Ceasefire Accords

ABSTRACT

This article examines Karen women’s political participation in the Karen National Union (KNU) and in KNU-controlled towns and villages during three phases of the protracted Karen conflict in Burma/Myanmar – the guerrilla activity phase, the civil war phase and the ceasefire phase. It argues that two interrelated institutions – a participatory governance system and a politically autonomous women’s group – affect Karen women’s levels of political participation in their communities. The logic is that as the Karen conflict de-escalated from the civil war phase to the guerrilla activity phase, the KNU’s leadership, in response to deteriorating security conditions and outside pressure, was forced to accept greater civilian participation in governance that opened up the political space for Karen women to become politically active. This de-escalation process also meant that the KNU had fewer resources and lacked the institutional capacity to control the activities of the KNU-affiliated women’s group – the Karen Women’s Organisation. When the conflict de-escalated again after the KNU signed a ceasefire accord with the Burmese government in 2012, the terms of the ceasefire agreement in combination with an influx of non-governmental organisations created new avenues in which Karen women could participate in politics.     

Strong Societies, Wed Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venzula in the 1950s and Today

The literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom‐up and top‐down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1330s.