结构现实主义理论和冷战后的国际政治结构

苏联解体后,美国成为世界上唯一的超级大国,美苏对峙的两极结构不复存在。学术界对于冷战后国际政治结构的判定存在着分歧。本文试图从阐述肯尼思·沃尔兹(K enneth N.W altz)的结构现实主义理论入手,再以结构现实主义为理论基础,对冷战后的国际政治结构作出判定。一、结构现实     

State Building for Future Wars: Neoclassical Realism and the Resource-Extractive State

Neorealist theory holds that the international system compels states to adopt similar adaptive strategies—namely, balancing and emulation—or risk elimination as independent entities. Yet states do not always emulate the successful practices of the system's leading states in a timely and uniform fashion. Explaining this requires a theory that integrates systemic-level and unit-level variables: a “resource-extraction” model of the state in neoclassical realism. External vulnerability provides incentives for states to emulate the practices of the system's leading states or to counter such practices through innovation. Neoclassical realism, however, suggests that state power—the relative ability of the state to extract and mobilize resources from domestic society—shapes the types of internal balancing strategies that countries are likely to pursue. State power, in turn, is a function of the institutions of the state, as well as of nationalism and ideology. The experiences of six rising or declining great powers over the past three hundred years—China, France, Great Britain, Japan, Prussia (later Germany), and the United States—illustrate the plausibility of these hypotheses.     

A Rose by Any Other Name: Neoclassical Realism as the Logical and Necessary Extension of Structural Realism

Neoclassical realism is often criticized by non-realists for being an ad hoc and theoretically degenerative effort to explain away anomalies for neorealism. In this paper, I argue instead that neoclassical realism is a logical extension and necessary part of advancing neorealism. Structural realism argues that the system constrains but does not determine state action and where foreign policy departs from what would be ideal behavior given a state's structural position, domestic politics and ideas are generally the cause. This focus on mistakes and maladaptive behavior, seen in such neoclassical realist concepts as over-or under-balancing, is necessary to avoid falling into the trap of merely using domestic politics and ideas to make neorealism more determinate and explain residual variance in foreign policy choice unaccounted for by structure. The article attempts to correct the mistaken presumption that particular paradigms own domestic politics and ideas, asserting instead that each paradigm has access to these variables but must make them their own.     

外翻性与国家失效:试论非洲国家失效浪潮背后的若干结构性因素

20世纪90年代以来发生在非洲大陆的国家失效浪潮与非洲国家自身的外翻性密切相关。围绕外翻国家概念,本文采取一种外部性视角,即通过分析后殖民时期非洲国家所面临的殖民国家遗产及国际环境,探讨两者如何影响后殖民时期的国家构建进程,尤其是它们在助推非洲国家失效浪潮中发挥的作用。文章的主要贡献在于深化对非洲国家失效现象的理解,同时引发学术界对非洲殖民主义、去殖民化运动以及国际社会对非洲国家干预政策的反思。     

Realism and the critique of technology

The ‘classical Realist’ thinkers Hans J Morgenthau and John Herz developed a puissant yet typically overlooked critique of technology. Driven by fears of nuclear warfare, they broke with Realism's inappropriately nonchalant view of technological development. Morgenthau focused on the dangers of a naïve faith in technological growth, arguing that it typically generated an apolitical and potentially irresponsible view of international politics. Even more effectively, Herz zeroed in on the problem of what he described as technological acceleration, according to which the rapid pace of recent technological change threatens humanity's future. While Morgenthau's ideas on technology are ultimately tension ridden, Herz still provides a fruitful starting point for any version of international relations theory hoping to take the phenomenon of social speed or acceleration seriously. Many of his reflections anticipated the contemporary debate among social theorists about the high-speed temporality of contemporary society.     

Return to Realism and Restart the Relationship

China attaches great importance to its relations with Canada.Over the years, the two countries have managed to develop an amicable and mutually beneficial relationship, which in the eyes of many serves as a model for countries with different social systems in their dealings with each other.     

个体本位、现实主义与社会性别歧视

近年来,国际关系学中的女性主义学派异军突起,但至今尚未进入其主流.这与长期主导学科发展的现实主义学派对国家间关系的认知有关,女性主义同样存在着自己的不足.而上述二者都是在以个体为本位的西方文化传统中形成的.     

魔幻现实主义的鼻祖布尔加科夫

魔幻现实主义文学是20世纪50年代前后在拉丁美洲兴盛起来的一种文学流派。但是实际上．魔幻现实主义的鼻祖是白银时代的著名作家布尔加科夫。从布尔加科夫的早期短篇小说《魔障》、《狗心》到长篇巨著《大师和玛格丽特》，我们不难看出无处不渗透着魔幻现实主义的色彩。但由于历史的原因，布尔加科夫的著作被封存了半个世纪之久。     

Scientific Realism as a Meta-Theory of International Politics

The recent increase in interest in scientific realist foundations for international relations theory, spearheaded by Wendt in various works, most fully articulated in his Social Theory of International Politics , and supported by a number of other authors, has brought to the fore a set of related issues in the philosophy of the social sciences. The advocacy of scientific realism in the international relations literature has largely taken the form of attacks on various nonscientific realist foundational theories. Consequently, the success of the arguments for scientific realism depends in large measure on the accuracy of the characterizations of the competing views. This paper argues that Wendt and others have misrepresented the challengers and have thus overstated the superiority of scientific realism. The paper further considers the aims and purposes of providing meta-theoretical foundations for IR theories, and argues that when the alternative accounts are properly described, the purposes are better satisfied by the latter and, in particular, by a version of Duhemian conventionalism.     

Reviving the Rhetoric of Realism: Politics and Responsibility in Grand Strategy

In both disciplinary history and contemporary methodology, realism is conventionally cast as the antithesis of rhetoric. Born in reaction against the empty liberal rhetoric of interwar liberalism and espousing a robust materialism and rigorous rationalism, realism often seems the obstacle that rhetoric's focus on language, narrative, and social construction must inevitably confront and the challenge around which debates must again inevitably revolve. This article challenges this vision of the relationship between rhetoric and realism. Returning to the birth of international relations in the immediate post-war era, we demonstrate that early realists perceived rhetoric as central to action in domestic as well as international politics and that it was particularly important in the United States. This realist rhetoric is marked by an engagement with grand politics, with the relationship between rhetoric, political identity, social mobilization, political leadership, and foreign policy. Rather than taking either the American state or its national interest for granted, post-war realists sought to counter the dangers of the dominant historical rhetorics of American foreign policy and to develop an alternative rhetoric that could insulate American democracy from destructive tensions and provide the basis for robust and responsible action in world affairs. Recovering the relationship between realism and rhetoric is important not only in challenging disciplinary and methodological orthodoxies that obstruct creative theorizing, but also for its incisive contributions to thinking about American foreign policy amidst the profound changes and challenges it confronts today.     

现实主义与布什政府第二任期对华政策

布什政府第二任期对中国崛起的关注明显加强,并依据现实主义理论积极调整对华政策。新政策集理性现实主义和悲观现实主义于一体,呈现出明显的两面性和不确定性。如何在两者之间寻找动态的平衡点,是美国对华新政策能否达到预期目标的关键所在。随着中国进一步走向崛起,美国对华政策中理性现实主义与悲观现实主义之间的矛盾可能出现发展的趋势,对华政策的波动性和反复性也可能表现得较目前更加明显。     

新加坡思想政治教育社会化途径探析及其启示

思想政治教育作为人类社会的普遍活动，带有鲜明的社会性。“思想政治教育的社会化是指思想政治教育为了发挥自己的社会功能而构建的思想政治教育社会工程，同时也是在主体的共同参与下，不断适应、改造与发展社会的过程，它体现了思想政治教育与社会的变化发展保持一致的必然要求”。