Humanitarian impacts of economic sanctions on Iran and Syria

International sanctions against Iran and Syria have been tightened to unprecedented levels since 2012, particularly in the case of the European Union's (EU's) restrictions on the countries' energy and finance sectors. Marking a departure from the EU's carefully targeted sanctions policies of recent decades, they represent de facto comprehensive measures widely associated with negative humanitarian impacts. This paper analyses semi-structured interviews, official discourse and case studies to explore early reports of negative impacts on the health of ordinary citizens in Iran and Syria and examines associated policy responses, particularly in the EU context. The author outlines why a shift towards broader-based sanctions could be problematic for the EU and outlines constraints currently preventing more efficient risk mitigation. This paper suggests ways that sanctions, representing an increasingly vital, albeit contested, tool of EU foreign and security policy, could be used in a more prudent manner if a worsening humanitarian situation is to be avoided.     

The impact of human rights INGO activities on economic sanctions

What impact do human rights international non-governmental organizations (hereafter HROs) have on the initiation of economic sanctions? The extant literatures on sanctions and transnational non-state groups have largely overlooked the role, if any, the activities of these transnational non-state actors have on the use of economic coercion as a popular policy tool. In this study, we argue that HROs could affect sanction decisions through two distinct mechanisms: information production (“shaming and blaming”) and local empowerment (local presence). By bringing poor human rights performers into the international spotlight, we argue that this effect should hold even after accounting for human rights practices in the targeted countries. Using dyadic data on HROs and economic sanctions, we find robust support for our basic argument that HRO activities increase the likelihood of sanction events against repressive regimes. Additionally, much of the empirical support highlights the role of information production, as opposed to local empowerment, in leading to sanction onset. Overall, our findings indicate that HROs are powerful actors in influencing foreign policy decisions between states.     

Outside the box: Explaining sanctions in pursuit of foreign economic goals*

Despite a marked increase in research on economic sanctions, empirical work has been constrained to a set of cases where sanctions are used for political or security issues, i.e., “high politics.” Since most theories of sanctions are generalizable to cases of political economy, i.e., “low politics,” this ad hoc empirical restriction is puzzling. This paper examines how well the existing theories of economic coercion can explain sanctions used to extract concessions on trade or regulatory issues. These theories are tested on a data set of 86 observations of the United States using or threatening section 301 action against a variety of target states. The results indicate that a conflict expectations approach is able to explain these cases as well as cases of high politics sanctions. Approaches stressing domestic politics or the use of sanctions as signals are of little use.     

Commerce and institutions: Trade, scope, and the design of regional economic organizations

The design of current regional economic organizations (REOs) is remarkably diverse. Some REOs address numerous economic issues, while others have only limited mandates. Some REOs have an independent bureaucracy and a legalized dispute settlement mechanism (DSM), while others do not. What determines this institutional variation? Thinking about these institutions as devices that generate credible commitment to a rule-based regional cooperation, institutionalists maintain that the intensity of commercial ties determine regional institutionalization and institutional independence. A number of studies question this logic and argue that it is “naïve.” Empirical evidence on the links between commerce, economic scope, and regional institutions is scant, however. Using an original data set that contains detailed information on the economic activities and institutional structure of twenty-eight REOs over three decades, this paper presents one of the first systematic analyses of these relationships. The empirical analysis indicates that the institutionalist wisdom is right after all. It shows that higher levels of regional trade are associated with greater institutionalization and economic scope, but only if implementation of signed agreements is accounted for, and that regional commerce and greater economic scope are associated with more independent bureaucracies and more legalized DSMs.     

UN sanctions burden sharing: Article 50 of the UN charter and assistance to third states

This article proposes the establishment by the UN Security Council of a system of mutual support for third states whose economies have been adversely affected as a result of UN non-military sanctions. This system consists of several components: (1) creating new markets for the sale of goods and services of third states; (2) crafting of a logical UN sanctions costs methodology; (3) bringing into UN Security Council for a those bilateral and regional efforts involving cases of UN sanctions compensation; (4) devising norms and procedures for acquiring and pooling of the requisite funds out of which states' claims for damages attributable to UN sanctions might be satisfied; and (5) establishing a mechanism for the adjudication of such claims. While many obstacles admittedly exist to creating such a system of mutual support, the article argues that effective UN sanctions burden sharing is nevertheless important to international relations theory and practice, since UN sanctions appear to be increasing in frequency as they undergird many of the Security Council's contemporary enforcement actions.     

UN sanctions burden sharing: Article 50 of the UN charter and assistance to third states

abstract

This article proposes the establishment by the UN Security Council of a system of mutual support for third states whose economies have been adversely affected as a result of UN non‐military sanctions. This system consists of several components: (1) creating new markets for the sale of goods and services of third states; (2) crafting of a logical UN sanctions costs methodology; (3) bringing into UN Security Council for a those bilateral and regional efforts involving cases of UN sanctions compensation; (4) devising norms and procedures for acquiring and pooling of the requisite funds out of which states’ claims for damages attributable to UN sanctions might be satisfied; and (5) establishing a mechanism for the adjudication of such claims. While many obstacles admittedly exist to creating such a system of mutual support, the article argues that effective UN sanctions burden sharing is nevertheless important to international relations theory and practice, since UN sanctions appear to be increasing in frequency as they undergird many of the Security Council's contemporary enforcement actions.     

东北老工业基地在东北亚经济合作中的区位优势重构

目前,中国东北与东北亚周边国家之间的经济合作还主要以低层次初级产品与劳务输出为主,没有充分发挥出东北所拥有的区位优势和产业优势。东北老工业基地振兴需要加强东北地区与东北亚周边国家的经济合作,这需要重构区位优势,调整东北地区参与东北亚地区国际分工的产业组合。为此,要加快产业转型,打造世界重要的装备制造业基地;重点发展新能源、新材料等新兴替代产业;做强做大农产品加工、生物制药等产业。     

Cooperative learning vs Confucian heritage culture's collectivism: confrontation to reveal some cultural conflicts and mismatch

Asian countries with Confucian heritage culture (CHC) such as China, Vietnam, Singapore, Korea and Japan have been proven to share characteristics of a collectivist society. Researchers agree that this collectivist mentality strongly supports cooperation that CHC's learners/workers best perform in groups. However, little is known about the other side of the coin. Whilst applying a method born in one culture to another, cultural differences have been forgotten. The so-called global application has led to a situation in which a Western model is forced to launch in a completely new and different context. This new context and the existing cultural values are not always incorporated into the implementation of a Western concept of cooperative learning. Consequently, it does not necessarily follow that all forms of cooperative learning will surely succeed within a CHC environment. As a result of ignoring, stereotyping and underestimating cultural and educational characteristics, in CHC countries, the implementation of constructivism and one of its applications—cooperative learning—has ended up in failures, suspicion or resistance. The authors would like to question (1) the fixed assumption that “group-work surely works in CHC countries” and (2) the domination of developmentalism in education nowadays and its mismatch with cultural assets. With this paper, the authors contribute to the recent call for culturally appropriate pedagogy.

Indicators for economic vulnerability to drought in South Africa

This article identifies and estimates economic drought vulnerability indicators among communal farmers in South Africa, using an economic vulnerability index based on a household survey of 121 communal farmers. The results show that lack of resources, unemployment, price sensitivity, market access, the level of farm debt, output, on- and off-farm diversification, management, and financial safety nets were the main economic vulnerability variables. Farm debt and financial safety provide the bulk of the vulnerability index. The study’s findings suggest that government should reconsider priorities in the implementation of appropriate policy measures in response to drought.     

吉林省外商直接投资经济效应的实证研究

外商直接投资(FDI)对经济增长的促进作用近年来越来越成为各国、各地区的关注热点。在国务院做出促进东北老工业基地进一步扩大对外开放战略部署的新形势下,通过协整关系分析和Granger因果检验对吉林省FDI的经济效应进行实证研究,发现吉林省FDI与经济增长之间具有长期稳定的均衡关系,并且存在FDI到经济增长的单向因果关系。据此提出:吉林省要持续发展,必须加快扩大外资规模、优化投资结构,合理有效、因地制宜地利用外资。     

Using international law to assess elections

This article provides an overview of existing obligations for democratic elections in public international law (PIL), and links these obligations to criteria for assessing electoral processes. We argue that PIL provides a basis for election observation that is more transparent, more objective, and has greater authority with host countries because it relies on states' acknowledged international legal commitments. In addition, the authors argue that this approach provides a solid foundation for building broad consensus on what constitutes ‘international standards for democratic elections’, an often-used term for which there still is no single commonly accepted definition.     

俄罗斯走出经济怪圈的路径选择

普京主政8年,在经济领域所取得的成绩斐然,但遗憾的是,迄今为止,俄罗斯还没有走出自己的经济怪圈.俄罗斯10年来的经济轨迹呈现出这样一个经济怪圈:看似经济增长了、发展了,但经济质量、经济结构和国际竞争力却在踏步不前,又回到了原点.普京和梅德韦杰夫都清醒地认识到俄罗斯经济的这一现象和致命弱点,并制定了走出经济怪圈的战略方针:从依赖型经济转向创新型经济.俄罗斯走出经济怪圈的战略方向是正确的,但是路径选择却存在着严重问题.俄罗斯希望通过国家投入、市场保护和鼓励创新这样的路径,实现摆脱资源依赖型经济而转向创新型经济的目标是难以实现的.     

中国云南与巴基斯坦扩大经贸合作的对策建议

近年来,中巴关系全面改善,中巴自由贸易区建设已启动。云南如何进一步扩大与巴基斯坦的经贸合作,已成为十分紧迫的问题。中国与巴基斯坦有着良好的经贸合作,而云南省与巴基斯坦在经贸方面又有许多合作领域。随着中巴经贸关系不断发展,云南与巴基斯坦的经贸合作领域广、潜力大,应当在有效的措施下,不断扩大双方经贸合作规模。     

Using Digital Data Gathering to improve data collection

One of the ways in which aid actors have responded to the growing need for good quality data to inform decision-making processes has been to invest in information communication technology to improve data collection and analysis. The specific information communication technology approach that has been used by Concern Worldwide is Digital Data Gathering. This refers to gathering data using an electronic handheld device such as a smartphone or data pen. As with any approach it has its advantages and limitations. This article shares the lessons and challenges that Concern has had in the utilisation of Digital Data Gathering.     

A rural economic development plan to help the USA win its war on cocaine

Since the 1980s, the USA has fought cocaine in the Andes with carrots and sticks: interdiction and crop eradication wield the sticks, while Alternative Development (AD), which offers economic assistance to farmers who voluntarily abandon illicit cultivation, provides the carrots. Yet cocaine continues to permeate US streets, and rural Andean communities remain isolated from the legitimate economy. Many critics blame US belligerence for compounding the Andean drug war. The underlying problem with the existing strategy, however, might not be the aggressiveness of its military sticks, but the flimsiness of its development carrots. The inability of AD to persuade farmers to abandon coca cultivation may be causing US policy makers to over-apply military solutions – often inflaming rural communities and exacerbating regional instability in so doing. Few legal crops can match the earning power of coca. The article therefore suggests that the US carrot could be made more attractive by adopting a Venture Development model which helps rural farmers to process their legal produce into high-quality finished goods that command premium prices. Such a strategy could conceivably choke the cocaine engine by applying market-based forces to address market-based realities.     

东北亚区域合作的文化视角--打造区域合作的文化基础

区域经济一体化的发展需要共同的文化底蕴和互信、认同的区域文化平台的支撑。东北亚区域合作步履蹒跚,也反应出深层次上对地区文化认同的差异。东北亚地区一体化进程不可能整体突破,首先在中、日、韩三国间进行经济整合最可能成为现实,但也要经过艰苦的区域文化的构建过程。各国应共同努力打造区域合作的文化基础,以文化认同促进区域合作,不求一时之功,但求长远发展。中国也需建立自己面对东北亚的文化发展战略,以维护本地区的和平与稳定,促进本地区的合作与发展。