German E-Campaigning and the Emergence of a ‘Digital Voter’? An Analysis of the Users of the Wahl-O-Mat

Within the e-campaigning activities of political actors in Germany, the Wahl-O-Mat has emerged as a popular ‘non-party’ online tool which has been used by millions of voters before elections in Germany. An analysis of the users can provide information about the characteristics of people resorting to this and other types of online pre-election tools. Based on an application-specific approach, hypotheses about the users are developed in light of the uses and gratification theory, taking into consideration normative expectations associated with the rise of the Internet. Whether the Wahl-O-Mat helps fulfilling these expectations is analysed by drawing (1) on data generated by an online exit survey of the Wahl-O-Mat users and (2) on datasets of the German Longitudinal Election Study 2009. The findings show that users of the Wahl-O-Mat largely belong to a group of young and politically interested voters who resort primarily to the Internet to collect political information.     

The Outcry of the Periphery? An Analysis of Ticino's No to Immigration

When the popular initiative “against mass immigration” was accepted by the Swiss people and cantons on 9 February 2014, Ticino had by far the highest approval rate. The Italian‐speaking canton thus once more confirmed its singular position, assumed since the 1990s, on popular votes regarding immigration and foreign policy. This seems to be indicative of wider crises and changes in both the economic and political spheres that have favoured the emergence of a political opposition between centre and periphery. The results of a survey among 1400 citizens of Ticino after the vote of 9 February confirm this. In essence, on top of the question of immigration, the vote was influenced by a fearful perception of Ticino as a “double periphery” vis‐à‐vis both Berne and Lombardy.     

The Zero-sum Game of Governing Together? Effects of Merkel's Grand Coalition on the Results of the 2009 German Federal Election

Grand coalitions are highly debated in Germany, where large parts of the media and the political world expect negative effects of grand coalitions on parliamentary party systems. This did not happen either with Merkel's grand coalition resulting from the 2005 election or with other grand coalitions in the German Länder. On the contrary, only the SPD suffered heavy losses in 2009. Most experts agree that those losses were caused by the SPD's participation in the grand coalition. Still, it remains largely unclear how Merkel's grand coalition affected the 2009 federal election. To close that gap, this paper thoroughly analyses the effects of Merkel's grand coalition by looking at a crucial but mostly neglected factor in that regard, the evaluation of the grand coalition by voters. It can be shown that the CDU/CSU was mostly unaffected whereas the SPD suffered from being perceived as the less influential party in Merkel's grand coalition.     

The West German 68‐ers encounter the events of 1989

Why did the German left react negatively to the events in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in 1989/90? There are several reasons to be given: the problem the left has in dealing with nationalism, the acceptance on the part of the West German left of the GDR as a legitimate German state; the ambivalent attitude it has towards the United States, and its deeply entrenched ‘state‐fixation’. At the present time, the German left is engaged in soul‐searching discussions which show different lines of development, but its most urgent task is to desist trying to salvage anything of value from the ‘socialism’ practised by the GDR and eastern Europe.     

The More,the Merrier? Interest Groups and Legislative Change in the Public Hearings of the German Parliamentary Committees

The article examines the impact of organised interests on the passage of legislation in the German Bundestag through an empirical analysis of the position papers presented in the public hearings of its standing committees in 2011. These committees are the most important forums to revise legislative proposals. Drawing on resource dependency theory, we employ GLM regression analyses to study if interest groups act as change agents that bring legislation closer to their own policy preferences. Controlling for institutional and bill characteristics, we discuss two major findings that shed light on the role of interest groups in legislation. First, business groups' opposition to government bills triggers legislative changes because their members control the means of production and make investment decisions. In contrast, fundamental opposition of non-business groups has no impact. Second, bills debated and opposed by a greater number of interest groups undergo more changes pointing to the importance of the density of interest groups and balance of opinions on a proposal.     

Europeanisation of German labour market policy? The European employment strategy scrutinised

Considerable policy change has been initiated with the recent labour market reforms in Germany. Discussing these reforms, commentators focused on the national factors driving these changes, while the ‘European’ dimension of labour market policy-making was largely neglected. By contrast, in the literature on European social policy, the capacity of the European Employment Strategy (EES) to contribute to domestic policy change is much discussed. Accordingly, this article asks whether the neglect of the EES in the labour market policy literature results in incomplete explanations of policy change; or, put differently, did the EES possess the capacity to effectively Europeanise German labour market policy? It is concluded that the EES did not possess the capacity to Europeanise German labour market policy to any significant extent. Thus, its neglect appears to reflect the insignificance of the EES so far.     

The Developing Federation and Partnership How is it Progressing?

The address that follows was given by the Head of the RhodesianDepartment of Selection Trust at a Joint meeting of the RoyalAfrican Society and Royal Commonwealth Society on July 3, 1958The High Commissioner for the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland,Sir Gilbert Rennie, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., M.C., took the chair.     

The Triumph of the Non‐Idealist Intellectuals? An Investigation of Fiji's 1999 Election Results

This paper examines the results of Fiji's 1999 elections. It looks at the reasons for the overwhelming victory of the Fiji Labour Party and the extent of voting across Fiji's racial divide. The paper argues that there was, in fact, very small indigenous Fijian support for the FLP. The victory of the Fiji Labour Party instead owed its origins to (i) the collapse in the vote for the major rival Indo-Fijian party, the National Federation Party, (ii) the rise of the newly-formed Christian Democratic Alliance and the associated fall in the vote for the former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka's SVT and (iii) the introduction of the preferential voting system. The paper concludes with a critical examination of the new voting system, arguing that proportional representation might be better suited for Fiji's specific political situation.     

The politics of national‐populism: Ideology and policies of the German Republikaner party

In this article, the Republikaner party's ideology and policies are explored on the basis of programmes and other public statements. There will be an emphasis on economic policies and issues of national and ethnic identity. It will be argued that the Republikaner party is targeting a broader electoral coalition than its main competitors and predecessors on the extreme right. In its attempt to mobilise a broad and heterogeneous protest coalition and to attract voters beyond the narrow confines of traditional right‐wing extremism the party makes contradictory promises to various sectional groups without being able to integrate them into a consistent framework of economic policy. These contradictions are covered up by the party's radical nationalism, extreme xenophobia and populist propaganda.     

The German Party System: Eternal Crisis?

Ever since the early years of the Federal Republic, the German debate about political parties and the party system has been almost obsessed with the theme of crisis. Contrary to what seems to be the dominant view from within Germany, this article argues that, by and large, the German party system has performed well. Gordon Smith's centrality thesis can explain why this has been the case. However, there are indications that the future may not be so benign.     

The irresistible decline of the medical profession? an empirical investigation of its autonomy and economic situation in the changing German welfare state

The aim of this paper is to examine various theses of loss of autonomy in the medical profession by means of an empirical investigation of changes in physicians' economic opportunities and technical autonomy in Germany since the mid-1970s. The paper shows that transitions in the organisational structure of the health care system, government policies aimed mainly at the economisation of health care, and the changing situation of the profession in the labour market, have together been responsible for the changes investigated. It is argued that technical autonomy has been retained in out-patient care, while in hospitals there has been some loss of technical autonomy. Moreover, the economic situation of physicians has in general deteriorated as a result of central state intervention.     

The diplomacy of Anglo‐German relations: A study of the ERM crisis of September 1992

This article seeks to address Anglo‐German relations, differentiating between the government‐to‐government relationship and the diplomatic one. The relationship is of the utmost importance not only in regulating bilateral affairs but also on a multilateral level, within the European Union and NATO. With the ERM crisis of 1992 relations deteriorated to the point where they were as bad as between any two allied Western states. The article charts the role played by the diplomatic services of both countries. It concludes that prior to unification in 1990 the bilateral relationship (and the two embassies which articulated it) functioned well. This system was shaken after 1990 for political and economic reasons grounded in British and German domestic politics. The embassies found it hard to cope with these new problems and appeared to founder. The ERM crisis thus raises significant issues for the future of Anglo‐German relations and the role played by diplomatic services to their management, requiring new assessment.     

The sirens of power and German foreign policy: Who is listening?

The unification of Germany has, unsurprisingly, provoked much speculation as to the future foreign policy of the country. Two images ‐ Germany as Gulliver and Germany as Ulysses ‐ have dominated the debate, each coming in a popular and an academic version. This article analyses German foreign policy behaviour and discourse in order to determine which one is more accurate. As to behaviour, the article examines two examples from the core sector of national security policy as well as how Germany's relations developed with France, the United States, Russia and Poland. As to discourse, five ‘schools of thought’ in the current debate about German foreign policy are related to a set of five grand strategies that are suggested either in the literature or in public debate. In both words and deeds the analysis shows that united Germany continues to stick to the course of multilateralism and integration.     

An Exercise in Police Co‐operation? The Origins of the Conference of Australian Police Commissioners

Research on police co‐operation has focused on international co‐operation and the challenges encountered on the path to a common Europe. Much less attention has been paid to historical challenges of police co‐operation within the boundaries of nation‐states with multiple police agencies. In this article we examine the origins of an institutional approach to the problems of policing within a federation. In Australia police commissioners of the various jurisdictions have been convening in a national forum for more than a century. This practice has its origins in late‐nineteenth century developments in criminal identification technologies such as Bertillonage and fingerprinting. The inaugural meeting of state police commissioners occurred in 1903 and after 1921 it became an annual event. In sum, we argue that the historical evidence from Australia suggests that the emergence of police co‐operation within national boundaries is likely to replicate the patterns observed in the development of international police co‐operation across the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.     

The Green Challenge and Political Competition: How Typical is the German Experience?

Despite apparent successes in recent years, the Green challenge in western Europe remains electorally marginal, and the various Green parties seem to perform substantially below their potential. By comparison to other new and small parties, they have also proved very slow to break through the executive threshold. Far from mobilising a wholly new politics, their role has become that of a radical ginger group to the left of the social democrats. Nonetheless, it is as part of the left that they may yet make their most important contribution, in that their participation in government in Germany and elsewhere has the potential to transform traditional patterns of centrist coalition formation into more bipolar and alternating systems of competition. The emergence of the Greens has also helped the left to gain a strategic advantage over the right.     

The Commonwealth Caribbean and Europe: The End of the Affair?

Abstract

The institutional relationship between the Commonwealth Caribbean and the European Union (EU) dates back to the mid-1970s, when the Lomé Convention was signed. The agreement was seen as a high water mark in First–Third World relations. However, since then the bond has come under concerted pressure. The consequence is that today the particularism that underpinned relations for so long has almost vanished and the EU is beginning to treat the Caribbean like any other relatively marginal region of the world. The article evaluates the reasons for this change, in particular: the scrapping of the trade protocols; the erosion of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) preference due to free trade agreements signed by the EU; the refocusing of EU development policy towards the least developed countries; and the split in the ACP group with the creation of an ill-designed regional Economic Partnership Agreement. The article places these changes into starker relief by assessing briefly the deepening links between the United Kingdom Overseas Territories and the EU. However, as the article highlights, this link will neither reboot nor sustain the more important Commonwealth Caribbean–EU relationship.     

Equal Performance of Minority and Majority Coalitions? Pledge Fulfilment in the German State of NRW

This study examines how a government’s majority status affects coalition governance and performance. Two steps are investigated: the inclusion of government parties’ electoral pledges into the coalition agreement, and the ability to translate pledges into legislative outputs. The main results of a comparative analysis of 183 pledges of a minority (without a formal support partner) and majority coalition in the German State North Rhine-Westphalia indicate that government parties with minority status include fewer pledges in the coalition agreement. But this does not mean that they also perform badly at pledge fulfilment. In fact, they show an equivalent performance in fulfilling election pledges, at least partially, when compared to majority government parties. However, there is tentative evidence that the prime minister’s party shows a lower quality of pledge fulfilment, as measured by a higher share of partially enacted pledges.     

The Return of ‘Social Europe’: Ideas and Positions of German Parties towards the Future of European Integration

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Developments in Eastern European Politics. Edited by Stephen White, Judy Batt and Paul G. Lewis. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1993. £11.99 pb.     

The German Question and the International Order, 1943–48

In this article, I address two salient issues in IR trust research: first, I introduce a longitudinal, content analysis to measure foreign policy trust. Second, I provide an in-depth analysis of how recent crises affected German political elites’ trust of the United States. I begin with a brief conceptual sketch of foreign policy trust and argue that treating it as a trusting discourse is a useful way to bridge the micro–macro gap. Next, I introduce a content analysis to measure trust, present coding rules and discuss advantages and problems of the approach. The empirical section consists of data generated from coding German Bundestag speeches and newspaper op-eds from 2000 through 2014. By disaggregating the data to specify who trusts whom and regarding which issues, I propose the following: First, there is a significant decline in trust among the traditionally pro-American German center-right politicians. Second, there is a steady decline in trust in the United States as a state entity, as opposed to strongly fluctuating trust in different U.S. presidents. Third, the NSA crisis directly affected German elites’ trust in the bilateral security partnership, an area where trust was stable even during the Bush presidency.