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1.
Is state behavior influenced by the context in which it occurs, or does context arise because of the way in which states behave? I investigate these questions in the context of international disputes over issues and states’ militarized behavior. The prevalent assumption in interstate conflict research is that disputed issues are exogenous to militarization patterns. I question the validity of this assumption, arguing there are reasons to suspect certain states self-select into disputes. I use a coevolution modeling strategy to allow the existence of disputes and states’ behavior to mutually affect one another. I find disputes are not exogenous to states’ militarized behavior. States that resort to militarized behavior are more likely to dispute an issue than peaceful states. I also find evidence of behavioral contagion among states engaged in disputes: Militarized behavior begets militarized behavior.  相似文献   

2.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):195-214
I examine the role of domestic gender equality in predicting whether or not a state is more aggressive in international disputes. This research adds to a growing body of feminist research in international relations, which demonstrates that states with higher levels of gender equality exhibit lower levels of violence during international disputes and during international crises. Many scholars have argued that a domestic environment of inequality and violence results in a greater likelihood of state use of violence internationally. This argument is most fully developed within feminist literature; however, research in the field of ethno-nationalism has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination and violence on state behavior at the international level. Using the MID data set and new data on first use of force, I test, using logistic regression, whether states with higher levels of gender equality are less likely to be aggressive when involved in international disputes, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. Beyond this project's contribution to the conflict literature, this research expands feminist theory by further incorporating it into traditional international relations theory to deepen our understanding of the impact of domestic gender equality on state behavior internationally.  相似文献   

3.
There is a world of difference between teaching negotiation theory, which pertains to conceptual understanding, and teaching negotiation skills, which pertain to actual behavior in real‐world situations. The principle of reflective practice is widely used for theoretical instruction. Deliberate practice, however, is a more powerful model for skills training. Cognitive scientists have discovered that subjects will learn skills best when they perform well‐defined tasks at appropriate levels of difficulty, and when they are given immediate feedback, an opportunity to correct their errors, and an opportunity to practice until the tasks become routine. To satisfy the deliberate practice conditions for large graduate‐level negotiation courses (some as large as seventy students), students were assigned to use webcams with their laptop computers to video record their negotiation exercises. Before each exercise, students were assigned to prepare for and to concentrate on performing two or three well‐defined tasks. Students reviewed these recordings and commented on their performances in a journal before uploading the videos and journals to an assigned network folder. The instructor and teaching assistants then reviewed the journals and specified portions of the videos and provided individual written feedback to the students. The instructors found that student negotiating skills have improved significantly using this new system. In comparison with earlier semesters, students also felt they were involved in a more intense and personal learning experience. A majority of students reported they intend to apply the principles of deliberate practice in their professional lives after graduation. The authors have found this method continues to challenge their ability to identify and describe the skills used by expert negotiators. As an addition to this new methodology, two of the authors have spearheaded the development of video annotation software, known as “MediaNotes,” to help students and instructors review, comment upon, and learn from video recordings of negotiations. Based on their experiences using the software to support deliberate practice, the authors expect this tool to initiate a significant advance in our ability to recognize and describe expert negotiation behavior and in students’ ability to improve their negotiating skills.  相似文献   

4.
Conclusion A tit-for-tat strategy may be appropriate on substantive matters to deter exploitation by the other party. But playing tit-for-tat with the elements of the working relationship will destroy the relationship just when it is most needed to resolve substantive disputes. A more productive and stable approach would separate the substantive elements of a dispute from the procedural or relationship elements. Norms of procedural behavior, once established, should be pursued unconditionally, whether or not the other side reciprocates this behavior. Such unconditional behavior will provide a stable working relationship through which substantive disputes may be efficiently resolved. A stable relationship that provides for ready consultation will reduce the misperceptions and fears that could lead to dangerous downward spirals in substantive disputes.This two-track approach to the dilemma of U.S.-Soviet relations would play tough tit-for-tat on the substantive problems, letting the Soviets know that they cannot exploit the United States but also rewarding cooperation. On a second level, this approach would pursue unswerving, unconditional procedural norms that would encourage a stable and open working relationship. Scott Brown is Associate Director of the Harvard Negotiation Project, 523 Pound Hall, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138This work has been supported by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. I would like to thank my colleagues for their insight and support, particularly Roger Fisher and Bruce Allyn.This work has been supported by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. I would like to thank my colleagues for their insight and support, particularly Roger Fisher and Bruce Allyn.  相似文献   

5.
Whereas most research on the democratic peace has focused on relations within pairs of states, research on the relationship between democratization and armed conflict has centered primarily on the behavior of individual states. Moreover, the existing literature has placed primary emphasis on explaining the effects of democratization on war, rather than military disputes more generally. In this article, we find that certain types of democratic transitions markedly increase the risk of such disputes within dyads, even when economic and political relations between states are taken into account. Particularly prone to violence are dyads in which either state undergoes an incomplete democratic transition; that is, a shift from an autocratic to a partially democratic (or anocratic) regime that stalls prior to the establishment of consolidated democratic institutions.  相似文献   

6.
Coauthor Christopher Honeyman was struck by the flagging "marketability" of mainstream professionally trained mediators in the U.S. More and more parties were choosing retired judges and other practitioners who were not classically trained mediators to help them resolve their disputes. Searching for an explanation of this phenomenon, Honeyman found a possible answer in Melbourne, Australia, where he listened with a Western ear to the presentations of coauthors Loretta Kelly and Bee Chen Goh about the importance of connectedness and individual perceptions of authority to the parties in the mediation of indigenous disputes. In this article, the authors present case histories from Australia and Malaysia to illustrate these concepts. They contend the same concepts are behind the shifting of the market for mediation in the United States.  相似文献   

7.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):255-258

The concept of balancing—joining the weaker party in a conflict—is an important part of the realist literature. The concept has a modern counterpart in the literature on extended deterrence that grew up in the nuclear era. But despite the importance of this concept, it has not been subjected to extensive empirical study. In this paper, we show how the realist and extended deterrence literature are linked, and go on to test for the existence of balancing behavior in serious disputes for the 1816–1976 time period. The results indicate that, while there are many disputes in which no joining occurs, when it does happen, the capability balance is likely to shift to favor the initially smaller side, as the balancing literature would predict.  相似文献   

8.
Mediation Ethics: A Grounded Approach   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
Using insights drawn from mediation practice, social justice scholarship, and debates on ethical thinking in other professional fields, the authors argue that prevailing ethical codes for mediators in the United States stunt the development of ethical thinking in the field. Current codes and even their critiques take a "top-down" approach that proceeds from the perspective of the mediator and gives primacy to abstract principles rather than to the particulars and contexts of disputes. This approach ignores a much richer practice on the ground, depends on an artificial division of procedural and substantive justice, and constricts the scope of ethical questions raised, inhibiting effective systemic solutions. The authors argue for ethics grounded in the context of particular substantive areas, which do not focus on the mediator alone and which remain open to a wider set of social justice considerations.  相似文献   

9.
20世纪90年代,俄联邦民族问题的表现形式之一即为联邦内非俄民族间的领土争端。非俄民族间领土争端可分为三种类型,即文化传统迥异的两族领土之争、"小套娃"式的民族领土之争和"合的想分,分的欲合"型的。虽然目前非俄民族间领土争端趋向缓和,但其彻底解决尚需时日。  相似文献   

10.
China's Power and Will: The PRC's Military Strength and Grand Strategy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
June Teufel 《Orbis》2007,51(4):651-664
China's international behavior exhibits elements of both threat and peaceful intentions. Greatly increased defense budgets, the acquisition for more advance weapons systems, and certain pronouncements of the leadership argue for the threat scenario. Beijing's efforts to enhance the PRC's soft power, its more active participation in international problem-solving activities, and certain pronouncements of other leaders can be taken as evidence for more peaceful intentions. Even assuming that the leadership's motives are not benign, a combination of domestic weaknesses and foreign resistance could thwart them. The future is not predictable.  相似文献   

11.
This paper develops a theoretical argument linking time and the timing of conflict management efforts to dispute duration. We test competing hypotheses on conflict data drawn from disputes in the post-1945 period. Our analysis demonstrates that the effects of mediation vary substantially over the course of a dispute. Specifically, we note that mediation has a curvilinear relationship with time and the ending of disputes. Mediation efforts that occur soon after disputes begin have the best chance of reducing expected future dispute duration. Following this initial period, subsequent mediation efforts lead to longer rather than shorter disputes. After a long period, mediation again leads to shorter rather than longer disputes. We also find that there should be consistency in the mediators used to manage a conflict rather than shifting personnel to interject new ideas.  相似文献   

12.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):31-57
We argue that the prevailing dyad-year research design employed in quantitative tests of the theoretical literature on the democratic peace suffers from several limitations. We propose an alternative research design that focuses on three different stages or "games" that typically emerge in the evolution of international disputes over time. In this type of research design the units of observation are the policy choices of "challenger" and "target" states in each of these three games. We argue that this alternative research design has several advantages, such as requiring researchers to test a more complete and extensive set of hypotheses as well as helping them to address statistical issues related to strategic behavior and selection effects.  相似文献   

13.
Conflicts in high‐performance sports (HPS) are typically tense and emotionally charged experiences for the athletes, coaches, and sports organizations involved. Such disputes raise intriguing challenges for the mediators handling them. These disputes typically involve multiple parties who often have intensely competitive personalities negotiating a volatile mix of high‐stakes win/lose issues. Mediators typically confront numerous process challenges and must operate within the rigid policy parameters of the various governing organizations involved. Mediation can successfully manage and resolve these challenging disputes, often in creative ways that repair and preserve the parties’ relationships. To be successful in this environment, however, mediators must adapt to and confront the unique dynamics of sports disputes described here. In this article, I examine multiple case studies of mediations conducted through the Sport Dispute Resolution Centre of Canada (SDRCC) with the goal of identifying successful mediation strategies for HPS disputes. The centre, which has made mediation mandatory for almost all cases, had an overall settlement rate over a twelve‐year period of 46 percent, with rates as high as 94 percent for mediations voluntarily requested by the parties. Mediation has been used only sparingly elsewhere in the world for resolving HPS disputes to date, although, I argue, it is a successful tool that should be increasingly used both nationally and internationally. In recognition of mediation's potential role, the Court of Arbitration for Sport introduced updated mediation rules in 2016 and is moving to increase the use of mediation in international sports disputes.  相似文献   

14.
南海主权争端之所以越来越复杂,甚至是迷雾重重,是因为有些国家制造了解决主权争端的法理迷途。文章认为,走出南海主权争夺的法理迷途需要明确:联合国《海洋法公约》不解决主权争端;"实际占有,有效控制"原则充满战争危机;旧金山《对日和约》涉西沙群岛和南沙群岛条款是违法条款。  相似文献   

15.
与中国有关的专属经济区渔业争端及其解决途径之思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
李毅 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(2):21-26
近年来,与中国有关的渔业争端有增多的趋势。对于因沿海国在其专属经济区扣押中国渔船引起的渔业争端,可以借助《海洋法公约》的有关规定,充分运用协商谈判、调解之解决程序,并考虑利用海洋法法庭在解决“迅速释放”问题方面具有强制管辖权的优势,就这方面的渔业争端接受海洋法法庭的管辖。而中国与周边国家存在的涉及领土主权事项和划界争议所引起的渔业争端,其治本之策在于解决划界问题,对此,可以声明不予适用强制程序,而是通过谈判,在“搁置争议,共同开发”的基础上渐进地予以解决。  相似文献   

16.
Why do some WTO trade disputes endure and recur while others do not? States have difficulty resolving trade conflicts when they involve certain types of trade-restrictive domestic regulations. While such regulations vary in their extent of legitimacy—fulfilling non-trade domestic regulatory objectives and availability of less trade-restrictive options—complainant states cannot always distinguish legitimate barriers from illegitimate ones. In such scenarios of disguised protectionism, which I argue is most prevalent with policies involving WTO’s Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement, disputants confront difficulties concluding their disputes. Disputes last longer and are more likely to recur. I test the argument against a data set of WTO disputes structured in an innovative manner—one that links together related and recurring disputes into single conflicts. Both an event history analysis of conflict duration and a count analysis of conflict recurrence using this data strongly support this argument.  相似文献   

17.
When national leaders are replaced, the incoming leader often represents different interests to those of his predecessor. Such shifts in national priorities affect both the onset of WTO disputes and the resolution of ongoing disputes. In particular, leader turnover increases the likelihood that a nation will be involved in a WTO dispute as either plaintiff or defendant, and, if a dispute is ongoing, then leader change in a defendant state increases the likelihood of significant concessions by the defendant. The impact of leader change on both the initiation and settlement of disputes is greater in non-democratic states than democratic states.  相似文献   

18.
冷战后东南亚国家南海政策的发展动向与中国的对策思考   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
本文主要从南海争端方国家、非南海争端方国家、东盟3个层次分析了冷战后东南亚国家南海政策的发展动向。对于南海争端方国家,重点分析了越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、印度尼西亚的南海政策;对非南海争端方国家重点分析了新加坡和泰国的南海政策;对于东盟的南海政策,本文指出协调成员国在南海问题上的立场,发表联合声明表达对南海问题的立场,直接就南海问题与中国进行对话,通过东盟地区论坛讨论南海问题构成了东盟对南海问题施加影响的主要方式。在对策思考方面,本文指出中国未来的南海政策应该侧重以下几点:继续将“搁置争议,共同开发”作为解决南海问题的基本原则;坚持“双边协商”的具体策略,力避南海问题的国际化;保持与东盟在南海问题上的沟通,确保东盟不致形成在南海问题上对中国不利的一致立场;在南海区域安全机制的构建和海洋安全维护方面发挥更大的作用。  相似文献   

19.
To what extent do alleged violations of international commitments damage state reputation? This article explore this question with specific reference to investor-state disputes arising under the protection of international investment agreements. Its main contributions are threefold. First, building on the political institutions literature, the study places the theoretical importance of information about the rules of the game, and the actions of the participants at the center of analysis. Second, in contrast to prior empirical research, the study systematically analyzes the costs of state involvement in investment treaty arbitration by examining all known disputes. Third, the study addresses the impact of investment disputes on both foreign investment flows and state reputational rankings. We show that the consequences of investment disputes vary with the transparency of the investor-state dispute settlement process. The central implication of these findings for the broader body of literature on international institutions is that reputational mechanisms for effective treaty enforcement cannot be taken as given but instead need to be explored on the basis of a nuanced approach that addresses the pivotal issues of institutional design and information costs.  相似文献   

20.
南沙海域石油开发与主权纷争   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
20世纪70年代,南沙海域因发现蕴藏有丰富的石油资源,周边国家即分别对南沙群岛的全部或部分声称拥有主权,并开始勘探那里的石油资源,使南沙群岛的主权纷争不断激化。本文对近年来南沙群岛周边国家在南沙海域的油气开发状况及由此引起的主权纷争,进行综合的论述,并对处理因石油开发而造成的主权纷争,我国提出“搁置争议、共同开发”的可行性问题进行了探讨。  相似文献   

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