Protecting democracy: a parsimonious,dynamic and heuristic model of controlling crimes by the powerful*

Crimes of the powerful (i.e. corporations, elites, organized crime groups, states, white collar criminals, etc.) have numerous devastating effects. That is why, over the centuries, some philosophers and political theorists - and more recently some constitutional experts, and selected social scientists - have proposed and analyzed the best ways to deter, minimize, prevent, regulate, and hereafter control large powerful interests. Not all powerful actors, however, are equally dangerous nor does this threat remain constant. Moreover, not all methods of control work for all entities. In order to better understand this process, one must determine a number of things including: which powerful actor is currently the most dangerous/harmful, where controls do not exist and/or do not function well, and which controls work best and in which particular setting. To achieve this goal, scholarship in diverse fields need to be integrated, with specific reference to the challenges and problems that have arisen and the solutions that have been proposed. To this end, this article develops a parsimonious but dynamic and heuristic model, consisting of a number of interconnected factors, to depict the process of controlling crimes by the powerful.     

The cartography of responses to state crime: understanding the linkages among state abuses/crimes/deviance/harms/illegalities/wrongs,resistance/control,and state organizational reactions

Although a considerable amount of thoughtful scholarly research on state crime has been conducted and published, researchers have failed to assemble a comprehensive model of the process and reactions that begin after state crime has occurred and been detected. This article outlines a heuristic model that presents the major political actors that participate in this process and the relationships that can develop among them. In order to create the model, research that has been conducted on state crime is reviewed and integrated, difficulties with this work are analyzed, and recommendations about future research that can be conducted using the model are made.     

Seeing War as Criminal: Peace Activist Views and Critical Criminology

A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words.     

“人本”语境下的规则冲突与冲突规则

"人本相同"是国际社会公认的普世价值,但事实上的"人本不同"造成了各国民商事法律规定的冲突。"人本"语境下的冲突法应尊重人的价值,维护人的权利,重视人的发展,以促进全球范围内民商事活动的顺利进行、物质资源的合理配置、人类社会的和谐共存。我国《涉外民事关系法律适用法》以"人本"思想为价值导向,多采双边冲突规则,坚持内外法律平行,注重冲突法的实质正义,平等保护内外国当事人的合法权益,体现了"以人为本"的科学发展观,为构建和谐国际民商事秩序保驾护航。     

中国抗战与日本南进政策的选择

二战中日本选择南进政策的根本动因何在？从全局上看,日本选择南进与中国抗战有必然的联系。正是中国抗战促使日本放弃了北进,而不得不贸然南进。南进既是日本帝国主义的无奈之举,又是破釜沉舟之策,由此注定了日本的最终失败。从这种意义上说,日本帝国主义的失败始于侵华战争。     

民主不能作为战争的合法理由

美英发动对伊战争的一个理由 ,是伊拉克国内政权不民主。但这只是道德上的理由 ,而非法律上的理由。当代国际法不承认以民主为由使用武力的合法性 ,《联合国宪章》第 2条第 4款及其他相关条款 ,都能够充分证明这一点。民主作为战争的合法理由 ,也不应该成为国际法发展的方向 ,从根本上讲 ,这不符合各国的国家利益。战争不能也不应作为推行国家政策的工具。     

浅析《孙子兵法》对现代行政管理理论与实践的启迪

《孙子兵法》是举世公认的中外军事学术史上的名著,其丰富的思想内涵不仅涵盖军事领域,而且涉及到政治、经济、行政、心理、领导科学、法学等,本文仅就其对现代行政管理理论与实践的影响从六个方面作一初浅的分析:一是注重上下同心的组织环境;二是坚持严格选才,辅以教育,资以激励的行政用人原则;三是主张因利乘便,因地制宜的权变思想;四是提倡利害兼顾,以利为重的行政价值观;五是强调精干的行政组织原则和速胜的行政效率意识;六是强调重视外部环境的影响。     

略论抗战时期宁沪地区城市经济环境的恶化

1937－1945年的日本侵华战争阻碍了中国城市近代化的历程。在中国经济重心的宁沪地区，城市工商经济发生了前所未有的重大变化。由于日寇的侵略和掠夺，该地区城市经济环境趋于恶化。而中国民族工商资本家则于夹缝中求生存，充分利用一切机会和空间寻求发展，形成了日军侵华的不完全毁灭性，为抗战胜利后中国经济的复苏创造了条件。     

The Arts and International Relations: The Evolving Identity of the Edinburgh International Festival in the Cold War Era

This article attempts to discuss the delicate relationship between the arts and international politics and the instrumental role the arts may play in international relations. The paper sets the Cold War as the stage and uses the Edinburgh International Festival as the subject of research to trace the interplay between the arts and international relations. Specifically, the article answers the questions of how the festival was impacted by the changing international relations over the Cold War period and how the festival as an arts organization exerted influence on international politics.     

略论“孙子兵法”在社会治安管理中的运用

孙子曰：“兵者，国之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。”。和平时期，国家安危，公安系于一半。维护稳定、惩治犯罪、控制治安，如同用兵打仗，必须斗智斗勇。当前，上海社会治安总体保持稳定，但治安形势仍然较为严峻，影响社会和谐稳定的因素还大量存在。而公安民警占人口总量的比例已高于全国平均水平，警力增长空间有限。上海公安工作要实现可持续发展，就必须走内涵式、集约化的发展道路，即更加注重警力使用的成本和效益，更加注重公安谋略的研究和运用，更加注重提高广大民警尤其是各级领导干部的战略战术水平，在科学用警、高效用警、出奇制胜、以智取胜上动脑筋、下功夫，切实提高民警的谋略水平和应变能力。本文借鉴“孙子兵法”的基本原理，就如何运用谋略加强新形势下的社会治安管理作了一些理论探索，供大家参考。     

《孙子兵法》与处置群体性事件谋略

《孙子兵法》作为一部论述谋略智慧的军事巨著，在孙子“全胜”思想的指导下，主张通过认识战争规律来控制战局，用计策谋略来赢得战果。当下，公安机关根据群体性事件的特点，按照“以柔克刚、依法行动、注重实效”的处置原则，通常采用《孙子兵法》的“攻心”、“择机”、“拖延”和“就势”谋略，科学妥善的处置群体性事件。     

CCTV伊拉克战争报道刍评

本文及时总结了中央电视台此次伊拉克战争报道所呈现出的及时性、多样性、客观性等特点及不足之处,并在此基础上进行了理性思考,就媒体应付突发性事件提出了一些初步建议。     

《孙子兵法》与我国反恐策略

在防范和打击针对我国的恐怖主义活动中,《孙子兵法》中的某些思想具有重要的指导和借鉴作用。我国应以“全胜”为目标,灵活运用孙子的谋略思想,制定出符合我国实际情况的反恐策略。在国内,加强和谐社会建设,努力消除恐怖主义活动可利用的不利因素,加强针对性的预防、打击措施和应急处置体系建设,努力将恐怖主义活动消灭在萌芽状态;在国际上,继续扩展和巩固国际反恐合作,尤其是中亚地区各国的国际反恐合作,壮大国际反恐阵营。     

略论抗战相持阶段国民政府的军事战略——以南岳军事会议和长沙会战为中心的研究

详细研究国民政府在抗日战争相持阶段军事战略的学术成果不多，且以否定居多。通过研究三次南岳军事会议和四次长沙作战的具体史实，可归纳出此时期国民政府军事战略的四个特点：持久战的总体构想；重视湖南战场，屏蔽大后方；不再一味死守重要城市；应战而不求战的策略。据此可以认为，国民政府基本把握了抗战相持阶段的特点，其军事战略基本上是正确的，即以持久战对抗日本的速决战，以空间换时间。尽管主客观方面的原因使得国民政府在相持阶段的军事战略显得有些保守，但是不加分析地责难其“消极、妥协、退让”，是有些苛求的。     

Acculturation and fear of crime among Hispanics

Fear of crime has attracted significant attention in academic research. One area that has largely been overlooked concerns fear of crime correlates among Hispanics, the largest ethnic minority group in the United States. Their unique cultural background as immigrants make them different from Non-Hispanic Whites and African Americans, and they all go through the acculturation process to some degree. However, the influence of acculturation has seldom been incorporated into the analysis. The current study attempts to use the acculturation thesis to examine two different types of fear among Hispanic residents in Houston, Texas. The findings suggest that acculturation is a significant predictor of crime-specific fear at home, but not of fear of crime in the neighborhood.     

《大元通制》渊源考辨

由于人们对《元史·刑法志》一段简要而含混记述的误读,造成了法律史上的一桩“悬案”,即《大元通制》渊源之谜。本文从追溯元代前期艰难的修律立法历程入手,结合当时社会政治生态环境,对《大元通制》的本原作了详尽的探索。《大元通制》是世祖以降数十年修订律书的摸索与奋斗的产物,而仁宗“延祜律书草案”则是《大元通制》凭据的直接蓝本。本文对《大元通制》“难产”的缘由进行了剖析,认为延(?)、至治年间,仗恃兴圣太后权势的“后党”保守派与皇帝为首的“帝党”改革派之间激烈政争,是《大元通制》难产的主要原因。     

《孙子兵法》的“五事七计”与警务实战

《孙子兵法》从战略的角度提出用“五事七计”来预测战争的胜负，其提出的“道”、“天”、“地”、“将”、“法”，对于警务实战具有重要的借鉴和指导作用，一方面可以发展和完善警务实战体系，另一方面可以提高民警的谋略意识，使警察在对敌斗争中能够更好地运用谋略克敌制胜。人民警察应加以重视、学习并灵活运用。     

论海峡两岸民商事法律冲突的特殊性

海峡两岸的民商事法律冲突既具有中国区际法律冲突的共性特点,又具有区别于大陆与香港、澳门地区法律冲突的个性特征。研究海峡两岸民商事法律冲突的特殊性,对于正确认识、合理解决两岸的法律冲突具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

论不作为犯之作为义务程度及其功能

作为不作为犯罪成立前提之作为义务，不仅存在有无之分，还存在程度之别：从道德义务上升为法律义务是一个量变引起质变的过程，这种质和量的辨证关系充分说明法律义务存在程度的差异；法律义务是刑事责任的前提和基础，责任有轻重之分，义务自然有程度之别；司法实践中行为人有无作为义务难以判断，也说明作为义务存在程度的差别。作为义务程度概念的确立，为刑法学界对不作为犯的研究开辟了新的领域，将促进对不作为犯的深入研究：可以为确定不作为犯罪的范围提供理论指导；可以为确定不作为犯的刑事责任轻重提供依据；还可以为科学判断作为义务的有无提供新的思路。