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1.
关于扶南主体民族族属的再考察   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
何平 《东南亚研究》2007,(1):72-76,94
扶南是公元初兴起于今天柬埔寨这片土地上的一个古国,但是,对扶南的主体民族到底是什么民族,学术界一直有不同的看法。本文通过考证后认为,扶南的主体民族就是早期的高棉人中的一支。  相似文献   

2.
林长茂先生影印了谢犹荣先生的《真腊考》给我 ,此论文曾发表于《东南亚研究》。[1] 拜读之后 ,有相见恨晚之感 ,遵照林先生之嘱 ,谈一点我的感想 ,是为对泰华学界先行者的怀念。一、真腊国及其开国国主  真腊一名起源 ,谢氏以为 ,“真腊即CHANDRA音译 ,此言‘月国’”。“我认为真腊在建国之前 ,先是扶南在北方战胜了采邑占婆塞 ,即在原地建立真腊国 ,以防占婆的反攻或再侵略 ,真腊既为扶南一手所立 ,即非由于征战结果而造成的‘属国’关系 ,它实在是扶南的采地 ,由扶南的宗室子弟食邑 ,其地位等于封君 ,因此扶南为什么要把‘月’…  相似文献   

3.
柬埔寨的农业──柬埔寨的农、林、渔、牧业之一少林,天枢前言古代柬埔寨是东南亚地区强国。中国古书记载:“扶南国,方五千里,南夷之国,最为强大”。扶南不但是海上贸易大国,也是一个农业发达的强国。历代君主十分重视兴修水利和整治土地。扶南所处的湄公河下游三角...  相似文献   

4.
具有悠久历史的文明古国柬埔寨,很早就与我国建立外交关系。公元一世纪后半期,当时在今柬埔寨领土上出现的扶南王国,在中柬关系史上占有相当重要的地位。扶南与古代中国的交往,据《后汉书》记载:“肃宗元和元年(公元八十四年),  相似文献   

5.
第二章 求法诸僧 依据莱维先生《未详之二种民族》及伯希和先生的《扶南考》,自245年至七世纪中,中印交往不绝,而以印度支那为交叉点。另一方面,伯希和先生在《交广印度两道考》,令我们信服地想到在八世纪前越南受佛教影响,不仅仅以中国为媒介,而且是直接受诸印度。由广州至印度,旅行家经由交趾陆路和南海水道。可以断言,这些僧人或  相似文献   

6.
越南西原的民族分裂问题是越南三大民族分裂问题中最严重的一个.法国的殖民统治催生了越南西原地区民族分离主义,而美国则支持和豢养了西原民族分裂势力.以"福洛"组织为首的西原民族分裂势力在越南国内外进行的以建立独立自治的"德伽国"为目的的民族分裂活动对越南的国家安全产生了严重影响.  相似文献   

7.
连玉如 《德国研究》2003,18(1):10-16
"迟到的民族国家"与"超前的民族国家"乍看起来是一对相互矛盾的概念,但对于21世纪初的德国来说却是一个和谐的统一体.用这两个概念来探讨"新德国问题"的发展前景,是本文作出的尝试.  相似文献   

8.
东南亚华族的身份认同问题是二战后东南亚民族国家建构中的一个焦点问题.在东南亚现代民族国家的民族整合过程中,华族的身份由"华侨"、"海外华人"转变为"华人",这不仅仅是称谓的改变,其中包含了对他们政治身份、文化身份的重新定位.本文描述了华人身份转变过程中所遇到的重重困难,并从民族国家建构的理念来分析其中的原因;结合冷战后中国与东南亚国家关系的变化,探讨全球化进程中东南亚华族身份认同的新变化.  相似文献   

9.
"俄罗斯能否重新崛起"虽然是现实的和前瞻的问题,但是答案却藏在俄罗斯历史的深处.本文尝试展开俄罗斯历史的视野,从俄罗斯文化对其民族性格和社会发展道路影响的视角,阐释俄罗斯民族发展呈现出"东方化-西方化-东方化"、"分-合-分"钟摆性"的周期,以及这种周期与俄罗斯民族兴衰的联系.论文认为,从俄罗斯历史发展的曲线来看,叶利钦/普京时代处于一个新的"西方化"的、"合"的兴衰周期的起点.当然,俄罗斯崛起的道路将崎岖曲折、荆棘丛生、关隘重重.  相似文献   

10.
政治关系是印尼华人与当地民族关系的一个重要方面,政治参与活动是印尼华人保护自身,改善与当地民族关系的重要途径.本文简要叙述了1998年"五月骚乱"以后印尼华人参政条件的改善,重点说明了这一时期印尼华人参政的各种方式.  相似文献   

11.
This study assesses the argument that common ethnic identity has facilitated the creation of transnational business networks leading to the rise of a new economically powerful “global tribe” comprising ethnic Chinese from East and Southeast Asia. The primary contention in this article is that a network with the economic clout of a “global tribe” would entail interlocking stock-ownership ties, a sharing of resources and cooperation to the point of merger. Through an in-depth analysis of investments in China by ethnic Chinese from Malaysia, this article proves that even major Chinese-owned companies have little or no interlocking stock ownership and directorate links, either domestically or across borders, with other Chinese-owned companies. The growing inflow of investments into China by ethnic Chinese from Southeast Asia is primarily due to endeavours by government leaders in the region and China to encourage businesses to invest in the Mainland.  相似文献   

12.
Taking into account the complexity of contemporary ethnic conflicts, this article examines the construction and politicisation of ethnicity to understand a recent case of post-conflict reconstruction. More specifically, the article considers theories of post-conflict reconstruction, particularly the conflict transformation school that claims to respond to the hybrid nature of recent ethnic conflicts. By adopting a constructivist perspective, this article argues that post-conflict reconstruction in ethnically-fragmented areas is largely about the problem of de-politicising essentialist discourses of historically constructed ethnic identities. In order to explore this key theoretical issue, the article analyses the 1994-95 case of conflict and reconstruction in the Northern Region of Ghana. This analysis draws on archival research and 21 interviews with individuals representing nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), traditional authorities, religious leaders, opinion leaders, and the state conducted from August to October 2006 in Accra, the capital of Ghana, as well as Tamale, the capital of the Northern Region. Because very little research is available on post-conflict reconstruction in Northern Ghana, this analysis fills a major gap in the contemporary literature on ethnic conflict and post-conflict reconstruction in West Africa. At a broader level, the article suggests that contemporary theories of post-conflict reconstruction would gain from taking a more systematic look at the social and political construction of such identities.  相似文献   

13.
Housing has played a central role in both the Asian and global financial crises, a decade apart. While there are major differences with respect to these roles, there are also similarities, the most obvious being the links with the banking system. The impact of these crises on the housing sector has been extensively researched, but findings have been overwhelmingly based on aggregate or sector data. Using firm-level data from Malaysia on the Asian financial crisis, this article argues that such findings can yield a distorted picture of what actually occurred in real estate markets where contextual factors played a major role. A study of ethnic Chinese businesses, which dominated the Malaysian housing sector, show that the severe impact was primarily on businesses that were over-leveraged and/or that speculated on housing in the expectation of reaping quick returns. They were small compared to the large property businesses that, though affected, survived. Non-residential real estate continued unaffected, fuelled by manufacturing to meet healthy export demand. This, and a political/economic environment accentuated by affirmative action which drove ethnic Chinese businesses toward real estate development, speaks powerfully to the importance of context in understanding specific housing markets during crises.  相似文献   

14.
This article reviews theoretical perspectives about the development of ethnic Chinese-owned enterprises in two major sets of literature. The first school is one that adopts culture as the primary explanatory tool for the dynamism of Chinese enterprise. The second school employs the concept of transnationalism, which has served to create a link between identity and capitalism, to analyse Chinese entrepreneurship. Both sets of literature argue that common ethnic identity facilitates the creation of business networks, which explains the rise of ‘Chinese capitalism’. This study questions the foundations of these theoretical arguments by tracing the evolution of family firms and by employing the concept of ‘generational change’.  相似文献   

15.
16.
Using materials gathered during fieldwork carried out in Russia in 2008 and 2009, this paper examines the ‘Day of Stavropol’ krai 2009’ celebration and links it to debates on ethnic relations, identity and nationalism in post-Soviet Russia. It is argued that celebrations, festivals, parades and other ‘spectacles’ are significant, yet often overlooked, influences on ethnic relations. Although authorities at national and regional scale play a prominent role in governing ethnic relations, it is often the case that they revert to Soviet-era practices – such as the ‘folklorization’ of ethnic groups – and produce a narrative that proclaims the ‘eternal harmony’ of ethnic relations. Given widespread ethnic tensions that exist in Russia, such a representation of ethnic relations is far from the reality lived by people in everyday life. Thus, this paper explores how citizens' understandings of ethnic relations relates to that portrayed by state authorities.  相似文献   

17.
This paper challenges the relevance of ethnic diversity in explaining the development impasse in Africa, using Kenya as a case study and arguing that the neopatrimonial and ethnic diversity theses are contradictory as explanatory variables of Africa's development crisis. The former speaks to homogeneity while the latter implies heterogeneity in the public policy process. This paper singles out the ethnic diversity thesis as the weaker of the two, arguing that ethnic groups lack a collective ethnic agenda that can be flagged as consequential for the political economy of the polity. Ethnic group intervention in the political arena is not determined by innate ethnic characteristics: it is due to the tendency for certain actors in the body politic to exploit institutional failure. With proper institutions, the assumed burden of ethnicity in African development would naturally evaporate. Focusing on supposedly ethnic problems is the wrong target.  相似文献   

18.
John Irgengioro 《East Asia》2018,35(4):317-346
This paper seeks to examine the People’s Republic of China’s (China) self-defined national identity and the consequences on China’s ethnic relations with its ethnic minorities. This paper argues that China’s identity is equated with the identity and culture of its ethnic Han Chinese majority—a narrative originally constructed by the Chinese state which its ethnic Han Chinese majority since indulges in. However, this hegemonic narrative is at the root of interethnic issues and tensions in China today, as further ethnic tensions stem from the resistance of ethnic minorities against Sinicization and the imposition of this “Chinese” identity against them. These phenomena thus both indicate what I term a weak “internal soft power appeal” of Han Chinese Confucian culture for ethnic minorities living in the PRC, and imply that China must adopt a different, more inclusive national identity if it were to maintain ethnic stability in the long term.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Israel’s highly restrictive citizenship policy constitutes the clearest indicator of its dominant ethnic model of citizenship. However, this policy has faced new challenges since the early 1990s, following the mass migration of non-Jewish immigrants. This paper examines and characterizes changes in immigrants’ entitlement to Israeli citizenship since the 1990s. It indicates that while Israel’s traditional citizenship policy has not undergone any significant change, two trends are evident: a much more restrictive policy towards Arab immigrants; and a somewhat more inclusive policy concerning other immigrants. To explain how these conflicting trends have coexisted, this study identifies three major characteristics of the Israeli policy: widespread use of the ‘divide and rule’ technique; managing policy through bureaucratic decisions; and the growing assimilation of liberal and republican principles into Israel’s citizenship policy, although without undermining—on the contrary, even reinforcing—the dominant ethnic model of citizenship. These findings indicate that although the dominant ethnic citizenship model in Israel remains stable, and can successfully tackle significant obstacles, limited opportunities exist for greater inclusion of specific non-Jewish populations within the Israeli polity.  相似文献   

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