Foundations of an Authoritarian Populism in an International Context

The rise of populism, and its subsequent challenge to liberal democratic institutions, is an ongoing feature of twenty-first century global politics. The author contends that providing college students with theoretical tools to untangle the relationship between the logic and practices of domestic populist political movements and liberal democratic institutions empowers them to analyze critically those challenges and consider the extent to which populism is indicative of prior institutional failure. The work of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto Laclau are used to develop a model of populism appropriate for advanced undergraduate international relations students. The cases of the Tea Party, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, Victor Orbán’s rise in Hungary demonstrate the dynamics of the model and its relevance to the study of international relations and foreign policy.     

How International Reputation Matters: Revisiting Alliance Violations in Context

We investigate the role of international reputation in alliance politics by developing a signaling theory linking past alliance violations with the formation of future alliance commitments. In our theory, past violations Are useful signals of future alliance reliability conditional on whether they effectively separate reliable from unreliable alliance partners. It follows that states evaluating potential alliance partners will interpret past violations in their context when deciding to enter a new alliance, attaching less weight to violations in “harder times,” when many states are defaulting on their alliance commitments together, and more weight to violations in “easier times,” when fewer states are defaulting on their alliances. We test our theory and find that states are empirically more likely to form new alliances with states that violated in harder times compared to states that violated in easier times. The results have important implications for how scholars understand and estimate the impact of international reputation.     

Attitudes toward Consent-Based and Non-Consent-Based International Law in a Regional Power Context

International legal scholars have identified and argued for and against new forms of non-consent-based international law. We study variation in Brazilian public opinion about adherence to international law created in three different ways: through a consent-based multilateral treaty, by the U.N. Security Council with the participation of Brazil, and by the U.N. Security Council without the participation of Brazil. Information that Brazil has participated in creating the international legal obligation through a multilateral treaty or membership on the Security Council yields levels of support for adherence to the legal obligation that are similar to those found when the origins of the legal obligation are generic. Information that the international legal obligation was created without Brazil’s participation, on the other hand, results in reduced support for compliance. This difference, which is particularly concentrated among highly educated respondents, is not driven by reduced concerns about reputational consequences or sanctions. Our results suggest that the increased use of non-consent-based forms of international law might be challenged by a lack of public support for compliance.     

国际语境中的政治安全与弱国的治理困境

国际语境中的政治安全日益呈现出一种以国家主权为核心,既分门别类又相互联结的"多流模式"。在全球化时代背景下,弱国对国际安全的整体影响愈益提升,弱国政治安全动态以其对政权安全的追求及其与公共安全间的张力为核心,关涉"统治精英及其支持机制的统治免于主要来自内部的威胁"的"政权安全"遂构成弱国政治安全的特定称呼。弱国政治安全的核心逻辑形成于弱国政权对"短期政权安全追求与长期国家建设间的深刻矛盾"的"弱国政治安全治理困境"的应对。弱国政治安全困境的治理离不开对政权安全与人的安全的智慧融合。此种困境具有长期性,在其驱动之下,弱国政治安全的理论探索表现出弱国联盟与安全区域主义等议题的演进,而其进一步的发展则离不开对弱国语境的领会,围绕弱国政权安全的模式和相关的内外政策,探索弱国政治安全对"软权力"的追求、弱国政治安全对特定国家安全观的推动等问题。     

后殖民主义语境下汉语言发展演变的趋势研究

说不清具体从什么时候开始,英语和西方文化已经成了我们生活的一部分。我们被笼罩在英语文化之中,升学、上大学、出国、找工作、评职称等等,都要先通过英语水平测试。在我们的日常生活中,人们很自然地说着“脱口秀”（talk show）、“肥皂剧”（soap opera）、“绿色食品”（green food）、“背景音乐”（background music）之类的,从不觉得有什么不对劲,     

全球多层治理中地方政府与国际组织的相互关系研究

在全球化和地方化共同发展的今天,地方政府和国际组织之间的关系正在得到不断发展,从而形成一个包含国际组织、国家政府和地方政府在内的全球多层治理体系.本文把国际组织分为规制型国际组织和推广型国际组织两大类,以探讨它们与地方政府之间的相互关系.这种关系不是革命性的,尚不构成对国家体系在世界政治的核心主导地位的挑战.但对这类新关系的理解,有助于我们对当今的全球多层治理体系有一个更加全面的认识.     

Constitution of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

(Approved by the Third Plenary Sessionof the Tenth Executive Council on May 11, 2012)Chapter I General Rules Article 1 The Chinese Association for International Understanding is a national non-governmental organization(NGO) in the People’s Republic of China.     

Constitution of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

chapterⅠGeneralRulesArticle1TheChineseAssociationforInternationalUnderstandingisanationalnon-govermentalorganistion(NGO)inthePeople'sRepublicofChina.Article2TheAssociationiscalled"ZhongGuoGuoJiJiaoliuXieHui"inChinese,or"JiaoLiuXieHui"forshort.ItsEnglishtranslationis"ChineseAssociationforInternationalUnderstanding",andabbreviatedas"CAFIU".Article3TheAssociationissponsoredbyandcomposedofvariousorganisations,politicalparties,prominentpersonages,socialactivistsandscholarsofallfiel…     

国际政治背景下东北亚多边能源合作机制的构建

伴随着世界石油市场价格的波动和国际形势的深刻变化,能源问题越来越成为东北亚各国关注的焦点问题。参照国际经验,解决东北亚区域能源安全的一个重要途径就是建立区域多边能源合作机制。从国际政治角度来看,在东北亚构建多边能源合作机制有其必要性、可能性和现实性。     

中国国际政治学界对国际金融危机的反应

自2008年9月国际金融危机爆发以来,国国际政治学界的一件大事就是对这场危机做出反应.随着危机已近探底,者们对其反应的高潮已经过去,顾、总结这一学术性事件有重要意义.本文评估中国国际政治学界对危机研究的反应速度、广度和深度,体包括学者们集中关注的问题领域、所运用的理论分析工具、达成的共识和争论焦点,在揭示学界对这次危机研究的成绩与不足,增强学界自我反思的自觉性.     

Constitution of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

Chapter I General RulesArticle 1 The Chinese Association for International Understanding is a national non-governmental organization(NGO) in the People’s Republic of China.Article 2 The Association is called "Zhong Guo Guo Ji Jiao Liu Xie Hui" in Chine…     

Constitution of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

Chapter I General RulesArticle 1 The Chinese Association for International Understanding is a national non-governmentalorganization(NGO) in the People’s Republic of China.Article 2 The Association is called “Zhong Guo Guo Ji Jiao Liu Xie Hui”in Chinese…     

Constitution of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

Article 1 The Chinese Association for International Understanding is a national non-governmental organization （NGO） in the People＇s Republic of China.     

TPP背景下国际经贸规则的变革与亚太价值链的构建

在国际权力结构变化和全球价值链展开的双重驱动下,亚太区域价值链的构建呈现出相互交叉、相互重叠的复杂特点。作为亚太区域合作机制的重要一环,TPP的高标准规则将对既有的亚太价值链的贸易、投资结构和发展机制以及中国的自贸区战略产生深刻的影响。中国需要以深化内部经济改革和参与构建亚太价值链的实践为基础,主动调整它在全球价值链中的运行结构和状态,实现内部机制与外部机制的对接。同时,中国应积极在未来的自由贸易区谈判中尝试接纳和运行TPP达成的高标准经贸规则,进而实现亚太价值链的机制融合。     

中西国际政治理念探源

国际政治理念和国际关系理论,无论在西方还是在中国,在古代就已萌芽。上世纪上半叶爆发的两次世界大战,催生了西方国际政治学。出于避免再次发生战争浩劫的初衷,一些西方政要和学者,开始对战争与和平的规律进行探索,在对前人经验和理论加以借鉴和利用的基础上,创立了西方国际政治学的理论框架。较有代表性的是伍德罗·威尔     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

Founded in September 1981, the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU) is sponsored by and composed of prominent personages, scholars and social activists from various organizations, political parties and other social bodies in China. Established in the initial years of China's reform and opening up, the Association, aiming at promoting mutual understanding and friendship between China and other countries and safeguarding world peace, has been undertaking international…     

The International Politics of the Chinese Arms Embargo Issue

The Chinese arms embargo issue has gone beyond Sino-European bilateral relations to become a matter of significance – and concern – for East Asian and US policymakers. Thus, an eventual solution depends not only on the interplay between EU and Chinese policymakers’ interests and considerations, but is now interconnected with China's domestic developments and regional posture, the security concerns of China's neighbours (especially Japan and Taiwan), the evolution of US-China relations and transatlantic relations.     

Chinese Association for International Understanding and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jointly Hold a Webinar

<正>On January 13th,the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU) and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) jointly held a Webinar themed Promoting People-to-People and Cultural Exchanges and Mutual Learning among Civilisations,Enhancing Mutual Understanding and Friendship between China and Germany.     

中美摩擦的国际规则之争与全球可持续治理的中国方案

中美之争是全球治理陷入当前困境的外在表现。全球化发展至今,军事等传统安全问题已经不是全球治理最大的困扰,如何在全球权力结构变化之下调整治理思路、模式以应对资源枯竭、环境恶化等具有跨界特征的问题才是当务之急。现有的全球治理具备了奥兰·扬所提出的国际制度变迁的内部矛盾、权力结构变化、外部压力等要素,已处于明显变革之中。与全球治理并行推进的《变革我们的世界:2030年可持续发展议程》(简称"2030议程"),以新型伙伴关系合作、多元化等核心理念获得了全球最大范围的支持,并由于具有显著的外部性而承载着全球治理的责任。"2030议程"在理念普适性和目标务实性方面的优势,为全球治理以可持续治理为新内涵实现理念的转换和相关实践提供了机会。但不可忽视的是,目前主导力量不足以及公共产品匮乏的现状,将严重制约全球可持续治理的落实。中国提出的"一带一路"倡议,以"人类命运共同体"的理念指导,沿着可持续发展的道路推进相关国家、地区的有效发展和治理。~①中国在主动提供治理公共产品的同时,不断以"共商、共建、共享"原则和多方参与分享的创新理念提高相关国家的参与能力,为国际可持续治理培育和储备支持力量,并推动解决治理变革的关键制约因素。随着"一带一路"倡议不断得到全球认可和支持,全球可持续治理将不断从中获得现实和潜在的改革动力。因此中国可以更多的担当,从全球可持续治理的角度,通过理论的完善和实践的充实,将"一带一路"倡议定位于全球可持续治理的中国方案。     

国际贸易与投资中的华商网络:文献评述

近年来，越来越多的经济学家和社会学家开始关注华商网络对于促进国际贸易与FDI的作用。众多文献分别从新制度经济学、社会资本理论、现代进化生物学以及博弈论等角度对华商网络如何克服国际贸易与FDI中的非正式贸易壁垒作出解释；而在经验研究方面，现有研究不仅关注华商网络的静态有效性，而且也考虑其动态无效性。