Who speaks for the European border security industry? A network analysis

This article contributes to the literature on the European border security industry with a network analysis of a new bipartite data set. The network is composed of speakers and their speech topics at a European border security conference taking place from 2008 to 2015. Speakers are linked to conferences by year of attendance and to speech topics to identify key actors and discourses using measures of centrality. A multiple regression quadratic assignment procedure (MR-QAP) is used to explain the continuity of conference speech topics. The centrality analysis reveals a number of “hubs” and the discourse analysis reveals a consistent focus on social control and surveillance over human rights. The MR-QAP regression suggests that shared discourses are driven by organisations which act as key speakers at many events, and whose discourses are prioritised over those of other actors. The article concludes with notes on the critical implications of the findings.     

Protecting people's livelihoods,restarting nuclear reactors: ‘risk recalibration’ in Prime Minister Noda's 8 June 2012 national address

Given popular concerns about nuclear accidents in the wake of the Fukushima disaster, the Japanese state shut down the last of its fifty-four reactors for inspections on 5 May 2012, the first time the country had been without nuclear energy since May 1970. However, on 8 June 2012, in a nationwide address, Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko justified a resumption of nuclear power generation at the Oi nuclear plant in Oimachi, Fukui Prefecture. This article examines Noda's speech as an example of ‘risk recalibration’. The first section outlines the underlying theoretical assumptions, while the second section provides the context behind the speech. This involved the input of political, economic and social actors as they vied for policy influence. The third section then analyses the risk rationality used in the speech itself. The argument is that while the speech is an important example of risk rationality operating through discourse as a medium of power, the overall ‘recalibration’ runs contrary to what recent studies have shown in other areas. In short, it is held that the speech follows a more traditional paternalistic logic of centralized risk management rather than a neoliberal logic of ‘individual responsibility’.     

Politician hate speech and domestic terrorism

ABSTRACT

Does hate speech – rhetoric that targets, vilifies or is intended to intimidate minorities and other groups in society – fuel domestic terrorism? This question is, unfortunately, relevant given the convergence of the use of hate speech by political figures and domestic terrorist incidents in a variety of countries, including the United States. In this study I theorize that hate speech by politicians deepens political polarization and that this, in turn, produces conditions under which domestic terrorism increases. I test this proposition using terrorism and hate speech data for 135 to 163 countries for the period 2000 to 2017. I produce two findings. First, hate speech by political figures boosts domestic terrorism. Second, the impact of political hate speech on domestic terrorism is mediated through increased political polarization.     

Who is (South) African? A re-reading of Thabo Mbeki's ‘I am an African’ speech in the context of the banned (later unbanned) Nando's ‘diversity’ television commercial

Abstract

In 2012 flame-grilled chicken company, Nando's, released a 52-second advert showing people of various races and ethnicities vaporising into thin air, one after the other, leaving a lone San Bushman wearing a xai who declares: ‘I'm not going anywhere. You f*#@ng found us here.’ Broadcasters SABC, DStv and etv initially banned the advert, citing fears of a xenophobic backlash. In 1996, former South African president, Thabo Mbeki, who was deputy president at the time, delivered what has become known as the ‘I am an African’ speech at the adoption of the South Africa Constitution Bill. In the speech Mbeki appears to codify ‘Africanness’ into a consciousness not just of history, but a shared history. The conceptual reach of his speech seems to imply that everyone who may share South Africa's history is somehow South African and African. This article argues that the Mbeki speech and the Nando's advert, taken together, draw attention to the simultaneous richness and poverty of citizenship in South Africa, and the potential benefits and contradictions of claiming citizenship in the sense preferred by the two texts. The context is supplied by a sampling of 22 randomly selected online comments centering on the censored advert.     

Are Your Disputants Insecure and Does It Matter? Attachment and Disputants' Speech during Mediation

An exploratory qualitative study explored the effect of attachment styles on disputants' speech during real‐life mediations. Drawing on attachment theory, we classified disputants as secure or insecure individuals using a self‐report attachment‐style questionnaire. Subsequently, they entered their mediation sessions, where their entire speech was recorded. Qualitative analysis of their speech yielded consistent and sometimes striking differences that portrayed secure speech as remarkably more useful and enhancing toward resolution compared with insecure speech. The findings, presented with many examples, strongly indicate the relevance of attachment to the research of communication during mediation sessions. In this report, we also consider the practical implications of the association between attachment and disputants' behavior, emphasizing the role of mediators.     

Sino-U.S. Relations in the New Century

On September 21, 2005, the Deputy Secretary of the United States Robert B. Zoellick in his speech at the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations pointed out that, the United States agrees that China is taking a peacefully developing path and it＇s a successful way of opening and joining the economic globalization that ＂＇no other newly emerged power has ever taken.＂ Zoellick emphasized that the United States should ＂encourage China to be a responsible stakeholder in the international system. ＂ If both the United States and China take the strategic interest into consideration, Zoellick＇s speech will definitely have positive impact on the Sino- U.S. relations ＇future.     

US-China Think Tank Symposium Closing Session Program

US-China Think Tank Symposium was jointly sponsored by The World Food Prize Foundation,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations on June 12,2017.The speech is made by Iowa State Senator Charles Schneider at the Closing Session of the Symposium.Schneider once participated in the 2nd China-US-Europe Young Leaders Exchange Program sponsored by CAFIU from September 8 to 17,2015.     

Talking Tough: Gender and Reported Speech in Campaign News Coverage

Building on the notion of "gendered mediation," we argue that conventional news frames construct politics in stereotypically masculine terms, and we examine the implications of these news frames for the coverage of female party leaders. Content analysis of reported speech in television news coverage of the 1993 and 1997 Canadian elections, combined with the results of an experiment, reveals that the speech of the three women leaders was subject to more interpretation by the media and was reported in more negative and aggressive language. The study concludes that gendered mediation may hinder women's chances of electoral success.     

重温9·19共同声明精神,维护朝鲜半岛及东北亚和平稳定（英文）

In his speech, Wang Yi reiterated the importance of September 19 Joint Statement in upholding the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia, and urged all parties to make concerted efforts to restart the talks.     

把中国沿边地区开放开发推上新阶段——第二届中国沿边地区发展高层论坛综述

本文对第二届中国沿边地区发展高层论坛各位领导和专家、学者的发言作简要综述。     

Pragmatic persuasion in counterterrorism

This article approaches a hitherto understudied topic in counterterrorism discourse, namely argumentative speech, as it relates to measures impacting on human rights. Frame analysis is applied for the first time in this area to statements and other types of ‘public speech’ communicated by the main US and EU executive institutions between September 2001 and September 2010. After detailing some methodological considerations, the article focuses on the pragmatic justification pattern and assesses its persuasion potential along a series of resonance criteria. It then argues for a more rigorous analysis of normative argumentation along a series of inductively derived analytical concepts and for a switch in focus from the liberty versus security trade-off and from the notion of exceptionalism towards that of pragmatism, given the increased odds of ‘success’ of this type of argumentation in the context of de facto normative change.     

The “Somalinisation” of terrorism and counterterrorism in Kenya: the case of refoulement

Kenya’s state discourse on terrorism and counterterrorism securitises Somali refugees and refugee camps. Using the securitisation theory, a perspective of social constructivism as a theoretical framework, the article attempts to establish the relationship between the securitisation of Somali refugees and refugee camps and refoulement as a measure to counter the securitisation. The arguments raised are the speech acts of Kenya’s securitising actors expressed in the terrorism discourse present Somali refugees and refugee camps as existential threats to peace and security in the country. Consequently, their speech acts expressed in the counterterrorism discourse present non-refoulement of the refugees as an existential threat to national security so as to justify, to the targeted audience, the adoption of refoulement, a norm-violating measure, to counter the fear of the threat of terrorism from Somali refugees and refugee camps. Terrorism and counterterrorism in Kenya have, therefore, been “Somalinised”. The conclusion offers ways of preventing the “Somalinisation” of terrorism and counterterrorism in Kenya.     

试论加拿大越战政策从默认到自主的转变——以希伯恩使团活动为中心

越战前期,加拿大默认并配合了美国军事介入越南,但随着美国军事行动日益升级,它逐渐显示出更加自主的和平外交姿态,还试图在美国与北越之间进行斡旋.为此,加拿大派遣希伯恩使团负责沟通双方,并力促和谈.加拿大总理皮尔逊还发表坦普尔讲话,明确反对战争扩大化.加拿大从默认到自主的越战政策,是国际冷战局势重大变化在西方阵营内的折射,预示着加拿大将走向更独立的外交立场.越战时加美关系的演变是西方非对称性联盟固有结构性矛盾的一个缩影.     

新加坡英语中的汉语语法迁移

一、引言 新加坡英语（Singlish）是一种通用于新加坡的英语方言，最早的新加坡英语是一种洋泾浜语，由亚洲各地贫苦劳工在街头把母语与英语混合使用而产生。随着新加坡政府在全国推行双语教育，早期的洋泾浜语在新加坡社会各个层面推广，并由新一代的新加坡人以母语的形式学习，语音、语法、词汇等逐渐定性，日趋成熟，最终成为一种完全成熟的英语方言。     

“Security and growth for all in the Indian Ocean” – maritime governance and India’s foreign policy

ABSTRACT

In a March 2015 speech delivered in Mauritius, India’s current Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined what he described would be India’s vision for the Indian Ocean Region. Under the acronym, SAGAR or “Security and Growth for All in the Region,” five key points were elucidated. At the time, the speech was praised for articulating a proactive approach to the Indian Ocean and the various visits to, and agreements that followed with, littoral and island countries, appeared to confirm this. This paper seeks to assess the extent to which India has been able to deliver an agenda of security and growth for the maritime region. Despite the enthusiastic reception to SAGAR, the critique is often made that India is slow to deliver on the promises made as part of the country’s maritime and naval diplomacy. The paper highlights a selection of decisions and actions taken since 2015, which have contributed to maritime governance in the region and argues that there is a substantial change in the way SAGAR provides a framework for strategic action.     

新加坡学生报刊与华文教育的双赢模式

新加坡华文报业集团将手握学生报,一起＂iChinese＂（爱华文）,视为华文报业与华文教育发展的双赢模式。以贴近年轻人的内容和各种创意活动;搭建多媒体言论平台;有声报纸;发挥双份报纸的阅读成效等方式来建构双赢局面。     

公共外交刍议

公共外交是政府主导下的全民外交，它是政府外交的延伸，是对政府外交的有益和有效补充。同时，我们应注意到民间外交作为国与国之间的经常性互动形式也是公共外交的重要组成部分。演讲是公共外交的主要手段，传媒则为公共外交的发展增添了活力。我们除了要做好日常性的工作之外，还应处理好各类突发事件，使之成为我公共外交的新亮点。     

From nipples and nationalists to full frontal in the new South Africa: An abridged history of pornography and censorship in the old and new South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article examines the ways in which the South African apartheid regimes approached and dealt with the question of pornography as well as how and why these measures changed after the birth of the new South Africa. Pornography in all its various forms, as an expression of human sexuality, is at once directly and indirectly attached to the freedom of speech and expression. This freedom lies at the very crux of democracy. During the apartheid era, the National Party governments dealt with the issues of pornography, erotica and indeed the expression of human sexuality through a particularly conservative system of regulations and bureaucratic structures. This was replaced, in the New South Africa, with a particularly liberal system. The varied reasons, at once apparent and totally obscure, for both the existence of the old and the creation of the new systems lay at the very heart of apartheid and at the crux of that which replaced it. This article examines how and why the apartheid governments viewed and handled this issue in the way they did and why it was dramatically changed in the new South Africa. The timeline of the article is from the 1890s to the current day.     

Envoys’ Speeches at the Peace Negotiations of 561–562 AD between the Byzantine Empire and the Persian Kingdom

The most prominent feature of ancient historiography appears to be the matching and welding of two essential components: narrative and speech. The rhetorical feature of envoys’ speeches should not encourage the belief that they are mere literary evidence, as their presence in the narration is normally proportional to the historian’s interest in diplomatic events. This analysis focusses on envoy speeches during the negotiations of the peace treaty of 561–562 AD between Emeror Justinian I and the Persian King Khosro I as reported by the Byzantine historian Menander the Guardsman in the fragment 6.1 of his History. Since no documents survived after the destruction of the Byzantine archives, Menander’s documents are a precious witness. The envoy’s speech was not a distinct rhetorical genre; rather, it developed from the epidictic discourse for petitions and praise during the Hellenistic and Roman eras as a means of political communication between provincial cities and the central administration. Indeed, a fiction of internationality shaped the language of Roman diplomacy until late Antiquity. The speeches delivered by Roman and Persian delegates before laying down the treaty of 561–562 display discursive strategies articulated on the sharing of communal political and moral values.     

Autocracies,democracies, and the violation of civil liberties

Research on autocracies and their consequences has been a growth industry in the latest decade. Nonetheless, the relationship between the type of autocracy and the violation of civil liberties has largely been ignored. In this article, we employ a new dataset, which includes cross-temporal data on freedom of speech, freedom of assembly/association, freedom of religion, and freedom of movement, to shed light on this issue. Analysing 182 countries in the period 1979–2008, we show that democracies repress civil liberties less than autocracies do, whereas we find little evidence to the effect that different kinds of autocracies violate civil liberties to different degrees. However, we also show that the differences between democracies and autocracies have declined starkly since the Cold War. Finally, our results demonstrate that the difference in the extent to which democracies and autocracies repress civil liberties is larger for the freedom of speech and freedom of assembly/association than for the freedom of religion and freedom of movement. We take the general difference between the two categories of liberties as evidence that autocracies repress political liberties more than private liberties because the former presents levers for oppositional activity. We argue that the cross-temporal differences are a consequence of the spread of more minimalist democracies since the end of the Cold War.