古巴90年代的经济改革

苏东剧变使得古巴经济发展受到不良影响,经济形势严重恶化,在这种形势下,古巴90年代以来对其经济结构和制度逐步进行了改革,重点是打破外部对古封锁,重建对外经贸关系,改革虽然取得了显著成果,但仍存在不少问题,今后古巴的经济发展将会走中间道路。 一、谨慎推进经济改革 60—80年代期间,因有与社会主义国家所签订协议的保护,古巴具有稳定的出口市场,各项收支平衡,1972—1985年的年均经济增长率曾达到6％。苏东剧变后,古与社会主义国家的经济联系中断,致使1989—1993年国内生产总值(GDP)下降35—40％,消费水平下降约30％,外资额下降了80％多,公共赤字占GDP的33％,进出口额分别下降72％和67％。 在这种形势下,古巴面对内外压力,在坚持公有制和社会福利保障体制的同时,谨慎推进经济改革。     

古共"六大"与古巴经济模式的"更新"

自1959年初革命胜利以来,古巴的社会主义经济发展模式经历了几次变化.革命胜利后初期,古巴进行了一系列经济社会民主改革,并很快开始进行社会主义建设.20世纪70年代初,古巴采用了苏联社会主义的发展模式,并同苏联东欧实行经济一体化.80年代后期和90年代初东欧剧变和苏联解体后,古巴调整了经济模式,通过变革开放,坚持社会主义.进入21世纪以来,特别是自2008年劳尔·卡斯特罗接替菲德尔·卡斯特罗担任古巴国务委员会主席和部长会议主席以来,古巴进一步调整了社会主义经济发展的模式,采取了一些称之为"更新"经济模式的变革措施.古巴的社会主义经济建设取得了显著成就,但也面临不少问题和挑战.2011年4月古共"六大"的召开和"六大"所通过的<党和革命的经济和社会政策纲要>将对古巴经济和社会模式的"更新"起指导和推动作用.     

古巴在稳步的改革开放中巩固和发展社会主义

古巴在稳步的改革开放中巩固和发展社会主义肖枫古巴是加勒比海中的一个岛国，面积１１万多平方千米，人口１１００多万。美国的佛罗里达州犹如大象的鼻子从北面伸下来，仅距它１８０千米。但是，这个英雄的岛国面对美国的封锁和高压毫不畏惧，在苏东剧变后丧失国际依托的...     

世纪之交的俄古关系

冷战时期，地处美国后院的岛国古巴一直是苏联在西半球最重要的战略伙伴。从古巴革命胜利到苏东剧变之前，苏联一直是古巴政治上的盟友，经济上的依托，军事上的后盾。苏联解体和冷战结束后，由于俄罗斯奉行了亲西方的外交政策，苏古之间密切的政治经济关系不复存在，俄古...     

论前苏东国家经济转轨中的几个问题

自20世纪80年代末90年代初以来,前苏东国家的经济转轨已走过近10的历史。经历了10年的经济转轨后,一些国家经济得以恢复并持续增长,一些国家仍处在艰难的探索之中;一些国家建立了市场经济和民主政治的新框架,一些国家却仍受制于旧制度的遗产。如同我们对前苏东社会主义国家剧变的深层次原因仍在寻根究底一样,转型国家的经济转轨再一次引起了人们对它们的关注。     

古巴的政治、经济形势及对外政策

90年代以来,古巴顶住美国封锁和苏东剧变双重压力,坚持共产党领导与社会主义方向,积极谨慎推进内外政策的调整改革,其所处国际环境与国内形势近年来逐渐好转,古共和古巴政府地位稳固。     

古巴社会主义研究的新成果--《古巴社会主义研究》评介

2005年9月,在中古建交45周年之际,中国社科院拉美所资深研究员毛相麟所著《古巴社会主义研究》一书与读者见面了,这部书的出版是中国学者研究古巴社会主义的最新成果,可喜可贺。古巴在十分困难的条件下,坚持社会主义。古巴社会主义革命和建设的曲折进程蕴含着十分丰富的经验,这是古巴对世界社会主义运动的宝贵贡献。毛相麟研究员《古巴社会主义研究》一书令人信服地回答了人们所关心的一些问题:古巴是如何在革命胜利后不久就选择走社会主义道路的?为什么曾经同前苏联和东欧有密切关系的古巴,没有发生像前苏联和东欧国家那样的社会制度的剧变…     

古巴国务委员、文化部长阿特访问拉美所

古巴国务委员、文化部长阿曼多·阿特于1993年4月8日访问拉美所,并发表了《古巴社会发展进程》的演讲,引起与会者的广泛兴趣。阿特说,世界形势发生了很大变化,苏联解体、东欧剧变后,许多共产党人在深刻反思:为什么东欧的社会主义会失败,而古巴     

古巴革命以来的对外政策研究

古巴革命胜利后至今,其外交政策可分为两个主要阶段.第一阶段从1959年革命胜利到20世纪80年代末90年代初东欧剧变、苏联解体.在这一时期古巴奉行"无产阶级国际主义",加强与"苏联和其他社会主义国家兄弟般的友谊、帮助与合作,以及拉丁美洲和全世界工人和人民的团结".第二阶段从20世纪80年代末90年代初至今.在这一时期,古巴努力贯彻全方位多边外交政策,力求打破美国封锁和孤立政策,扩大生存空间,改善国际环境.拓展经贸合作.古巴十分重视同中国、越南等社会主义国家的友好关系,积极发展同亚洲和非洲发展中国家之间的关系.在不结盟运动、伊比利亚美洲首脑会议、联合国等国际组织中积极开展多边合作.     

越南革新的渐进历程

1986年底,越共“六大”深刻总结了四届六中全会(1979年8月)以来越南革新探索阶段所积累的经验与教训,正式揭开了越南全面革新的序幕。近20年来,越南革新开放在渐进中摆脱了持续多年的经济社会危机,顶住了前苏联东欧(以下简称苏东)剧变造成的重大冲击,克服了东南亚金融危机带来的消极影响,开创了政治社会基本稳定、经济持续稳定增长、人民生活明显改善、国际地位逐渐提高的良好局面,并逐步加快从计划经济向市场经济转轨和融入地区与国际经济的步伐,初步形成了社会主义定向的市场经济模式。近20年来的越南革新,是在经济、政治、社会、文化、外…     

Russo–Cuban Relations in the 1990s

This analysis re-examines Russo–Cuban relations in the period in which Boris Yeltsin was Russian President using previously unseen documents housed in the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba [MINREX] archive in Havana. A number of conclusions offer themselves including that the relationship remained key for Havana throughout the 1990s, despite a Cuban ideological aversion to the Russian reforms of the early to mid-decade and the subsequent “new realities” of Russo–Cuban relations. Cuba desired a relationship that preserved a number of features of Soviet–Cuban relations, which MINREX officials strove to achieve by purposefully creating a political legacy from the Soviet era, whilst also specifically lobbying members of the Russian political elite who had sympathies with the Soviet period. This development has resonance for contemporary Russo–Cuban relations that are at their most robust politically since 1991. Consequently, the Soviet legacy remains both much greater than previously thought and deliberately created by Cuba.     

NGOs and Cuba: Opportunity or opportunism?

Reporting on a large gathering of international and Cuban NGOs and other agencies, this article explores the issues faced by Cuban society in undergoing rapid economic change; and examines why the New World Order has not led to any significant involvement with Cuba, either by the inter-governmental agencies or by independent NGOs. It describes the roles of State-sponsored bodies in maintaining the major development gains of the last 30 years; and argues that NGOs which see their role as promoting 'democratisation' must avoid falling into simplistic and inappropriate assumptions about the distinction between the State and 'civil society'.     

The United States’ embargo and Cuba's foreign relations: Missed opportunities for democratization

Many scholars have argued that US policy towards Cuba is counter‐productive: it helps to legitimise the Cuban regime, it restricts the scope for differentiation and debate, it makes elites reluctant towards reform and provides them with an explanation of the economic crisis. Such arguments concern the direct negative effects of US policy. In contrast this article explores the ways in which the US government indirectly inhibits potentially constructive pressures towards change. Third countries, foreign non‐governmental organizations and prominent individuals lend support to Cuba's resistance to the US embargo. This offsets external pressures to democratize, and allows the Cuban regime to convert such empathy into a source of legitimacy at home.     

古巴—美国关系50年四题

古巴革命是美国与古巴双边关系历史的重要转折点,美国对古巴革命及其后续发展的反应和政策则是冷战环境中美国战略思想的典型表露.全球冷战终结并没有改变古美之间的冷战式关系,凸显了美国政策的单边主义性质、意识形态色彩和国内政治主导倾向.     

古巴革命的历史意义和成就

古巴革命是古巴民族意识和精神的象征,政治和社会变革的旗帜,崇尚伦理价值和理想的境界,勇于进行社会主义探索的精神,无私的国际主义义务和发展中国家寻求自主发展的重要启迪.50年来,古巴在革命和社会主义建设事业中取得了重大成就,克服了90年代初的经济危机,实现了经济持续增长;社会主义政治体制机制不断完善;教育、科技、医疗卫生事业获得长足进步,惠及全民;社会发展成就得到国际公认,住居世界先进水平.展望未来,古巴人民将继往开来.把革命和社会主义事业继续推向前进.     

“Between Two Communities So Diverse”: Confrontation and Collaboration in Cuba, 1898–1902

In 1898, the United States government took possession of Cuba. Rather than annexation, the William McKinley Administration chose to create a new nation-state. Cuba’s fate therefore was unlike that of the Philippines, waiting until after the Second World War for independence. It leads to a question: when it came to Cuba, why the choice of creating a nation rather than annexation? The short answer is that the Cubans would have resisted annexation by force. The longer—and more interesting—answer is that annexation became unnecessary: Over time, Cuba’s nationalist elite proved willing to co-operate with American interests, and McKinley’s Administration left Cuba in nationalist hands, provided those hands were bound by the Platt Amendment. Historians have argued that Cuban nationalists co-operated because of coercion. Whilst true, Cuba’s nationalists also saw value in a relationship with the United States. Therefore, Cuba’s new leaders resisted American demands in ways not only to preserve the good opinion of Washington, but to prove themselves capable of civilised self-government.     

The Cuban Missile Crisis after Sixty Years

The sixtieth anniversary of the Cuban missile crisis is an appropriate time to review the events—arguably the closest the world has come to nuclear war—from the perspective of 2022. Growing tensions between Moscow and Washington and increasing Cuba emphasis in US domestic politics preceded the confrontation. Analysts differ on motives for placing long-range missiles in Cuba; Soviet officials consistently emphasized the defense of the island. We know now that nuclear war was even closer than realized at the time. This article is a revision of one that appeared in the Winter 2013 issue.     

Strategic Interaction in the 1994 and Earlier Cuban Refugee Crises

The 1994 Cuban refugee crisis is modeled as a prisoners' dilemma game for Cuba and the United States. A threat power version of the theory of moves yields a cooperative outcome in the game, sustained by mutual threats that deter defections by each player, which is consistent with moves made by the players. After the countries implemented deterrent threats, they agreed that Cuba would patrol its borders and the United States would admit 20,000 Cubans each year. We show that the analysis, suitably adapted, also illuminates strategic choices in the 1965 and 1980 Cuban refugee crises.     

The Empire and the Independent Island

The history of Cuba during the last 140 years is one of both struggle to preserve national identity and independence and the history of the evolution of the American empire, with its constant craving to appropriate Cuba and of the horrendous methods that it uses today to hold on to world domination. Prominent Cuban historians have dealt in depth with these subjects in different periods and in various excellent books that deserve to be readily available to our compatriots. These reflections are addressed especially to the new generations with the aim of helping them learn about very important and decisive events in the destiny of our homeland.