Cities and places in provincial policy agendas

This article uses a new dataset of coded Alberta Throne Speeches from 1906 to 2017 to identify patterns of provincial policy attention to place and urban place across policy issues and time. We discuss three main findings. First, provincial attention to place and urban place is influenced by policy domain: place‐based attention is generally absent in some policy domains, such as macroeconomic policy, and prevalent in others, such as health care. Second, place‐based attention is patterned over time, with a noticeable peak in the post‐war “province‐building” years and distinct troughs in other periods. Finally, we discuss the related but distinct patterns of attention to place and urban place across policy domains and time.     

The composition of municipal associations and policy requests to provincial governments: Selected cases

Municipal associations lobby senior levels of government for legislative changes. This article tests how the composition and size of municipal associations affects such policy requests for provincial programs or funding transfers by examining four Canadian associations in BC, Nova Scotia and two in Alberta between 1999 and 2013. The findings suggest that associations with more homogeneous member populations lobby primarily for provincial programs; those with more heterogeneous member populations are more likely to lobby for funds to enact municipal programs. This suggests that the collective intergovernmental lobbying of local government associations is influenced by the internal composition of members as well as the political norms and the external environment.     

The provincial role in the Canadian welfare state: the influence of provincial social policy initiatives on the design of the Canada Assistance Plan

Abstract. Provincial social welfare programs are often treated as provincial government responses to federal initiatives establishing shared-cost programs in the welfare field. In this paper, this traditional viewpoint is reversed, showing that the federal government's Canada Assistance Plan of 1966 was the result of provincial social welfare initiatives. Federal policy is shown to have been designed to accommodate as cost-sharable those programs in which provinces (particularly Alberta and Ontario) were already involved. The federal government had to make considerable additions to, and concessions concerning, the proposed program in order to retain provincial support for the new national welfare program.     

The governance of post‐secondary education systems in British Columbia and Ontario: Path dependence and provincial policy

Provincial governments retain an essentially unrestricted jurisdictional autonomy as regards the structuring and coordination of post‐secondary education (PSE) systems. It is at the provincial level that crucial balances must be struck between the competing demands placed on costly PSE systems. This article develops a comparative historical analysis of the British Columbia and Ontario cases in this relatively neglected area of provincial public management. Strong path‐dependent logics are identified in both cases, anchored in interconnected networks of institutional and local interests. Current developments in both provinces are assessed against the background of these longer‐term historical patterns and in relation to wider international trends.     

The temptation of provincial criminal law

Under s.91 (27) of the BNA Act, 1867, the Federal Parliament has the exclusive authority to legislate “criminal law.” This has not stopped the provinces from passing “quasi‐criminal” laws that are difficult to distinguish from criminal law. Recent legislation regarding “public fighting” and civil remedies for criminal acts suggest there are few legal obstacles to enacting provincial criminal law. This article identifies such provincial criminal laws, explains how the modern doctrines of federalism might invite and allow for their enactment, and discusses impacts on criminal justice policy and administration. It highlights the discretion afforded the Crown and police in charging individuals under the federal Criminal Code or similar provincial laws (or municipal by‐laws). While provincial or local laws may allow for more efficient law enforcement, they do so at the expense of the procedural guarantees associated with the criminal law.     

Conditional grants and provincial government budgeting

Abstract. The conditional grant has become an important instrument of federal government assistance to the provinces in the last decade. But while the federal government has increased its use of conditional grants, the grants have been subjected to increasing criticism by the provincial governments. The primary complaint of the provinces is that these grants interfere with provincial expenditure priorities and cause a reallocation of provincial resources. Provinces have charged that major programs, such as Medicare, were initiated by the federal government without meaningful consultation and that the provinces were forced to participate or forego the federal contribution. The provinces have claimed that in order to participate they have to substitute or divert funds from existing or planned programs to the shared-cost program, resulting in a substitution effect in their budgets. The Ontario government has been particularly critical of conditional grants on these grounds. An analysis of shared-cost programs in the case of Ontario, however, indicates that conditional grants have not produced relatively significant substitution effects in the budget of that province. While provincial dissatisfaction with the conditional grant system continues, the two parties have been unable to find a mutually acceptable alternative. Sommaire. Dans les derniers dix ans, le gouvernement fédéral s'est beaucoup servi des subventions conditionnelles pour accorder de l'aide aux provinces. Mais, au fur et à mesure que le Gouvernement fédéral utilisait de plus en plus ce mécanisme, les gouvernements provinciaux intensifiaient leur critique des subventions conditionnelles. Le principal grief des provinces, c'est que ces subventions affectent les priorités provinciales concernant les dépenses et causent une réalocation des resources provinciales. Les provinces se plaignent que le gouvernement fédéral mette en Æuvie des programmes importants, tels que Médicare, sans vraiment les consulter préalablement, les forçant ainsi à participer ou à renoncer à la contribution fédérale. Les provinces ont prétendu qu'il fallait qu'elles substituent ou qu'elles soustraient, au bénéfice du programme à coûts partagés, des fonds prévus pour des programmes existants à créer, effectuant ainsi des substitutions au sein de leur budget. Le gouvernement de l'Ontario, en particulier, a critiqué les subventions conditionnelles pour ces raisons. Néanmoins une analyse des programmes à coüts partagés révèle que les subventions conditionnelles n'ont pas produit de substitution importante dans le budget de cette province. Les provinces continuent à se plaindre du système des subventions conditionnelles mais les dew parties n'ont pas réussi à trouver d'alternative qui convienne à l'une et à l'autre.     

Research use capacity in provincial governments

Despite advances in research‐informed public policy, research remains underutilized in government. To develop a firmer understanding of governmental capacity to use research in decision making, we investigate Canadian provincial ministries overseeing education, higher education, and science and technology. The findings from semi‐structured interviews indicate that capacity to generate and access research is limited. However, we find evidence of a recent change in which provincial agencies sought to bolster capacity with research use strategies and by leveraging relationships with researchers. Leaders’ support for well‐coordinated research use initiatives also seems critical to instilling a culture of research‐informed decision making in government agencies.     

Politics and provincial government spending in Canada

Abstract: Much has been written on the growth of government expenditures at the national level, focusing on economic variables. Few studies have focused on the growth of spending at the provincial level. Even fewer studies have sought to examine the role of politics in provincial government spending. This paper seeks to fill the gap. It examines the growth of government in Canadian provinces over the last quarter-century, 1960 through 1986, and the role of politics in that growth. Government spending in Canada has grown rapidly at the provincial level over the past quarter-century, more rapidly than at the federal level. The present study develops and tests an econometric model of provincial government expenditure that incorporates economic, social, and political factors. In particular, the influence of the political party in power on provincial government spending is examined. Surprisingly, in most Canadian provinces the political party in power is found to have no significant impact on the level or growth of provincial government spending over the last twenty-five years. Instead, the growth of provincial government spending has been stimulated by the growth of the private sector provincial GDP. The provincial governments have responded to changes in the state of provincial economy and to provincial unemployment by increasing their own level of expenditures. Sommaire: La croissance des dépenses gouvernementales à l'échelon national a fait l'objet de nombreuses analyses, centrées sur des variables économiques. Très peu d'études ont porté sur l'augmentation des dépenses provinciales et, encore moins, sur le rôle joué par la politique à cet égard. Le présent exposé a pour objet de combler cette lacune en examinant la croissance des gouvernements dans les provinces canadiennes au cours du dernier quart de siècle, soit de 1960 à 1986, ainsi que le rôle qu'a joué la politique dans cette croissance. Les dépenses gouvernementales au Canada ont augmenté pendant cette période plus rapidement au niveau des provinces qu'au fédéral. La présente étude élabore et teste un modèle économétrique des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux qui incorpore des facteurs économiques, sociaux et politiques. En particulier, on y examine l'influence du parti politique au pouvoir sur les dépenses du gouvernement au niveau provincial. Chose surprenante, dans la plupart des provinces, on constate que l'identité du parti politique au pouvoir n'a pas d'effet significatif sur le niveau ou sur la croissance des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux au cours de ce quart de siècle. C'est plutôt la croissance du produit intérieur brut du secteur privé provincial qui a stimulé l'augmentation des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux. Ces derniers ont réagi à l'évolution de l'économie provinciale ainsi qu'au chômage provincial en augmentant leur propre niveau de dépenses.     

Local government in the Canadian provincial north

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the difficulties inherent in the organization of local government in large and geographically remote areas and the responses to those problems over time in a comparative cross-provincial perspective. After defining the provincial north, the article traces the origin and early development of local government structures in the provincial north to indicate just how these structures differ from those in the southern regions of the provinces. The article then discusses the range and nature of the problems faced by northern communities. This is followed by an analysis of the desires of northern local governments and the manner in which they express them. The final section describes the nature of governmental responses to the demands expressed by local governments. Sommaire. Le but de cet article est d'enqêter sur les difficultés inhérentes à l'organisation du gouvernement local dans de grandes régions gégraphiquement isolées et le traitement de ces problèmes sur une période de temps et ce dans une perspective interprovincial comparative, Après avoir défini le nord provincial, l'auteur retrace l'origine et l'ébauche du développement des structures de gouvernement local dans le nord provincial pour montrer en quoi celles-ci diffèrent de celles des régions du sud des provinces. Il analyse ensuite les desiderata des gouvernements locaux du nord et leur façon de les exprimer. Il consacre le dernier chapitre à l'analyse de la nature des réactions gouvernementales aux exigences manifestées par les gouvernements locaux.     

地方高校新办专业建设及评估

专业是高校培养各种专门人才的基本单元,专业教育的状况直接影响高校的人才培养质量。随着我国高校扩招,新办专业数量也大增。这些新办专业往往是地方高校本科教学工作的薄弱环节,存在较多问题。为了提高专业人才培养质量,必须加强新办专业的建设,并通过开展专业评估来加以促进。     

我国地方高校发展战略研究

我国地方高校规模庞大，正在成为中国高等教育的主体，然而在其发展中也存在着一些自身难以逾越的障碍。对此，我们需要用创新的思维来设计具有现实意义的发展战略。作为一种发展战略思想，“综合集成”为解决社会系统的复杂问题提供了科学的实践指导。地方高校只有通过综合资源、集成优势，才能形成具有现实竞争实力的联合体，才能跨越障碍、实现地方高校科学的可持续的发展。     

论地方高校的历史使命及其发展战略

地方高校发展的历史使命就是立足地方经济社会发展,培养人才和开展科学研究,引领地方特色文化构建.其发展战略必须围绕这一命题展开,理清发展思路,突出办学特色,强调应用实践型人才培养,着力应用研究与技术推广和服务,加强国际国内合作与交流,不断提高自身的人才支撑能力和科技创新能力,在服务地方中争创一流.     

Financial restraint management and budget control in Canadian provincial governments

Abstract: This study compares and contrasts approaches to the management of financial stress and restraint in four Canadian provincial governments in the period from 1983 to 1985. It indicates that a number of different approaches to restraint management are utilized by Canadian provinces to cope with shortfalls in revenue and policy changes that influence resource allocation decision-making. The four provinces reviewed - British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba and Nova Scotia - have managed restraint in different ways, each reflecting the politics and the socio-economic and cultural context within which government resource allocation decisions are made. Profiles of these provinces indicate how these factors have influenced financial stress management and budget control strategy. Provincial experience is compared on the following dimensions: overall restraint management strategy; employment policy; marketing the need for restraint; centralized versus participatory government decision authority and control; the use of evaluation in restraint decision-making; and the influence of ideology in restraint management strategy-setting. Sommaire: Cette étude compare et oppose les méthodes de gestion financière adoptées en période d'austérité budgétaire par quatre gouvernements provinciaux au Canada, de 1983 à 1985. Elle indique que les provinces du Canada suivent diverses orientations en matière de gestion durant une période d'austérité budgétaire pour faire face aux manques de revenus et aux changements de politiques qui influencent les décisions d'allocation des ressources. Les quatre provinces étudiées, c'est-à-dire la Colombie-Britannique, la Saskatchewan, le Manitoba et la Nouvelle-Écosse, ont chacune adopté une orientation différence, reflétant le contexte politique, soeio-économique et culturel particulier dans lequel sont prises les décisions gouvernementales d'allocation des ressources. Les profils de la Colombie-Britannique, du Manitoba, de la Nouvelle-Éeosse et de la Saskatchewan précisent la manière dont ces facteurs ont influé sur la gestion de I'austérité financière et la stratégie de contrôle budgétaire. La comparaison entre les provinces porte sur les aspects suivants: 1) stratégie globale de gestion en période d'austérité, 2) politique d'emploi, 3) sensibilisation du public au besoin d'austérité, 4) autorité et contrôle décisionnels concentrés ou participatoires de la part du gouvernement, 5) rôle de 1'évaluation dans la prise des décisions en période d'austérité, et 6) influence de l'idéologie sur la définition des stratégies de gestion de l'austérite.     

The merit principle in the provincial governments of Atlantic Canada

Abstract: The merit principle is the primary means of restraining or avoiding political influence in civil service employment. It has received a good deal of attention at the national level of government but much less so at the provincial level. This article is designed to provide an assessment for Atlantic Canada. The author reviews the background in Britain and Canada and, after identifying the main elements of the principle, as developed at the national level of government in Canada, deals separately with each of the four Atlantic governments. He concludes that the merit principle has had its ups and downs throughout the region and that its current status varies considerably from province to province. Sommaire: Dans le secteur de I'emploi de la Fonction publique, le principe de la selection selon le merite est le meilleur moyen le limiter l'influence de la politique, voire de l'éviter. Ce principe a fait l'objet de beaucoup d'attention au niveau du gouvernement fédéral, ce qui n'a pas été autant le cas au niveau provincial. Dans cet article, I'auteur Bvalue la situation B ce sujet dans les quatre provinces de l'Atlantique du Canada. Il commence par passer en revue les données en Grande-Bretagne et au Canada, puis met au jour les principaux aspects du principe, tel qu'il a étéélaboré au niveau du gouvernement fédéral, pour en arriver enfin à traiter séparément chaque gouvernement des provinces de l'Atlantique. En conclusion, l'auteur dit que le principe de la sélection selon le mérite a connu des hauts et des bas dans les quatre provinces et, qu'à l'heure actuelle, la situation varie beaucoup de l'une B l'autre.     

Changing the design: cabinet decision-making in three provincial governments

Abstract: The subject of this investigation is cabinet decision-making in the provincial governments of Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and British Columbia. Specifically, it attempts to examine the forces that underlie the initiation and persistence of cabinet institutionalization in the postwar period. The postwar period has witnessed the replacement of the unaided (or traditional) cabinet by the institutionalized (or structured) cabinet. In other words, unstructured and relatively uncoordinated central executives have given way to those which are more structured, more collegial, and more prone to emphasize planning and coordination. The factors promoting initial cabinet institutionalization in the three provinces were a mixture of ideology, pragmatism, and historical precedent unique to each province. There were both endogenous factors (those growing from within government) and exogenous factors (those acting from without) which affected the persistence of institutionalized cabinets. They were common to more than one province but their relative weight differed between premiers. Not surprisingly, the institutionalization of provincial cabinets has had major effects on political actors and functions in the three provinces studied. Cabinet structure has both changed and been changed by power relations within cabinet. Full cabinet appears to have been overshadowed as a decision-making center. It is apparent that central agencies and central departments do not always yield similar political effects. Lastly, planning and budgeting have grown in both complexity and complementarily. Sommaire: Cette enquête traite du le processus décisionnel au sein du Conceal des ministers dans les governments provinciaux de la Saskatchewan, du Manitoba et de la Colombie-Britannique. Plus précisément, elle cherche B examiner les forces qui ont favorisé l'apparition puis le maintien de l'institutionnalisation des Conseils des ministres au cours de l'après-guerre.