首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
In contrast to civil and political rights, and to economic and social rights, which have been constructed and guaranteed within the framework of the nation-state, the new rights that aim to respond to opportunities and risks arising from new information and communication technologies, biotechnologies or, more generally, technology-based industrial development, are emerging in a context characterized by the strengthening of trans-national forces and dynamics (so-called 'globalization') and the erosion of state sovereignty. The state's loss of power and autonomy to regulate economic and social activity, as well as to protect individual rights, has been accentuated in the European Community (EC) as a result of a process that to a certain degree anticipated contemporary global tendencies. The EC appears, therefore, as a privileged observatory of the possible impact of globalization on the contents of rights, whether 'classical' rights or new rights, such as the rights of access to information, new forms of intellectual property or rights to be consulted or to participate in decision-making about environmental risk. My main objective in this article is to analyze recent developments in the EC's legal framework of informational and environmental policies with a view to evaluate how opportunities for individual and collective action and welfare, made possible by new information and communication technologies or claimed by environmentally alert citizens, are being defined in the form of rights recognized to individuals or social groups.  相似文献   

2.
随着改革开放的不断深入,中国的政治、经济、文化以及法制都进入了转型时期,其中政治体制改革对于国家发展和社会生活产生了巨大影响.行政法制度属于政治体制的一个重要部分,它的变迁反映出了中国政治体制中长期存在的诸多问题.本文分析了处于转型期的中国行政法制度变迁的类型、影响因素和社会环境,并对转型期中国行政法制度的变迁提出了相关建议.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines legal and political developments in California in the 1970s and early 1980s that led to extreme changes in the state's use of imprisonment. It uses historical research methods to illustrate how institutional and political processes interacted in dynamic ways that continuously unsettled and reshaped the crime policy field. It examines crime policy developments before and after the passage of the state's determinate sentencing law to highlight the law's long‐term political implications and to illustrate how it benefited interest groups pushing for harsher punishment. It emphasizes the role executives played in shaping these changes, and how the law's significance was as much political as legal because it transformed the institutional logics that structured criminal lawmaking. These changes, long sought by the law enforcement lobby, facilitated crime's politicization and ushered in a new era of frenetic and punitive changes in criminal law and punishment. This new context benefited politicians who supported extreme responses to crime and exposed the crime policy process to heightened degrees of popular scrutiny. The result was a political obsession with crime that eschewed moderation and prioritized prison expansion above all else.  相似文献   

4.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):765-800

Through the prism of race, this article analyzes the social structural and political context of juvenile justice law reforms over the past half century. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the Supreme Court imposed national legal and equality norms on recalcitrant southern states that still adhered to a segregated Jim Crow legal regime, and these norms provided the impetus for the Supreme Court's juvenile court “due process” decisions in the 1960s. The article then analyzes sociological, criminological, racial factors, media coverage, and political dynamics of the 1970s and 1980s that contributed to the “get tough” legislative reformulation of juvenile justice policies in the 1990s. During this period, conservative Republican politicians pursued a “southern strategy,” used crime as a code word for race for electoral advantage, and advocated “get tough” policies, which led to punitive changes in juvenile justice laws and practices and have had a disproportionate impact on racial minorities.  相似文献   

5.
6.
Crude petroleum remains the single most imported commodity into Australia and is sourced from a number of countries around the world (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), 2011a). While interest in crude petroleum is widespread, in recent years Australia's focus has been drawn to the continent of Africa, where increased political stability, economic recovery and an improved investment climate has made one of the largest oil reserves in the world increasingly more attractive. Despite improvement across the continent, there remain a number of risks which have the potential to significantly damage Australia's economic interests in the petroleum sector, including government policies and legislation, corruption and conflict. The longest exporters of crude petroleum products to Australia – Nigeria and Libya – have been subject to these factors in recent years and, accordingly, are the focus of this paper. Once identified, the impact of political instability, conflict, government corruption and other risk factors to Australia's mining interests within these countries is examined, and efforts to manage such risks are discussed.  相似文献   

7.
Critics have highlighted the complicity of human rights law in mass disempowerment and domination—a criticism equally applicable to child law. This article investigates this issue, as evidenced by three recent developments that Israel has justified by invoking these legal frameworks: an increased separation of Palestinian adults and children in Israeli custody; the Israeli legal system's growing preoccupation with “rehabilitating” the now‐segregated Palestinian children; and the Israeli authorities' ever‐diminishing interest in such rehabilitation for adult Palestinian prisoners. By canvassing the legal architecture, judicial rationalizations, adverse effects, and sociopolitical context of these developments, this article foregrounds their divide‐and‐rule logic and structure of driving a generational wedge between Palestinians and potentially weakening their political ties, solidarity, and resistance.  相似文献   

8.
唐永春 《法学研究》2002,(2):148-160
苏联法学对中国法学产生过深刻的消极影响 ,其原因除了社会制度、意识形态、国际环境等直接因素外 ,还存在着更深层次的历史传统的因素 ,这就是两国传统政治文化的同质性———基于古代东方亚细亚生产方式而形成的东方专制主义传统———的遗存及其影响。马克思东方社会理论是理解这一同质性的钥匙。认识这种深层原因 ,对我国今后法学研究及法治建设的发展具有重要意义。  相似文献   

9.
Throughout its modern history, Poland has not escaped controversies surrounding the use of the death penalty. Tracing the historical development of laws dealing with the issue demonstrates an evolution influenced by various legal, political, social, philosophical, and international factors, leading up to the current absence of the penalty from the Polish legal system. The debate in society revolves around some stereotypical views held by different social groups. One of the biggest challenges is how to reconcile those views with empirical evidence, especially on issues like the deterrent effect of capital punishment. The authors describe the death penalty debate in Poland from these perspectives and take a retentionist position with regard to some selected crimes. As long as there are individuals willing to take other people's lives in a premeditated and deliberate manner demonstrating callous contempt for another person's existence, death remains the only punishment satisfying a sense of social justice and upholding the value of human life.  相似文献   

10.
The repression of anti-austerity protests in Spain from 2011 to 2014 constitutes an example of how neoliberal developments are facilitated by the penal system as it limits political resistances to the imposition of precarious working conditions and social cuts. The limits imposed on contentious politics are both material (consisting of banning acts that are prominent in social movement’s repertoire of contention, fining demonstrators, etc.) and symbolic (consisting of transforming the meaning of legitimate politics by imposing new legal and political definitions). This case study is used to illustrate the interconnection between labor markets, social policies and the repression of social protest, and to elaborate on Wacquant’s approach to the relationship between punishment and other social institutions. It is at such times of political and economic crisis when institutional interconnections seem particularly exposed, arguably enabling more profound analyses.  相似文献   

11.
江国华 《法学研究》2014,36(1):56-73
对应于两次历史性社会转型以及第二次转型的三个发展阶段,当代中国的司法价值观发生了四次历史性变迁,即从为阶级斗争冲锋陷阵的政治司法价值观转变到为经济建设保驾护航的经济司法价值观,而后再演变为为社会稳定排忧解难的社会司法价值观,并走向为法治文明注译导航的衡平司法价值观。鉴于前三种司法价值观本质上都是法律工具主义的产物,是人治的变种,故有必要对其做历史性反思。唯此,型塑以"公正、廉洁、为民"为基本内核的多元衡平司法价值观方为可能。  相似文献   

12.
李占荣 《河北法学》2006,24(9):9-13
政治文明与经济法之间有着共同的社会公正理念、共同的经济人权理念和共同的和谐理念.经济法的产生带来了崭新的法律理念--社会公正,而社会公正也是文明的政治理念的基本内涵.经济法意义上的经济人权更多地体现为一种集体性的人权,从经济法调整对象的具体形态来看,几乎所有经济法律关系都包含着经济人权的基本内容,这些权利的实现状况也是一国政治文明实现程度的标志.作为克服"市场失灵"和"政府失败"缺陷的现代法,经济法的和谐理念是政治文明的和谐理念的法律表现和最终保障.  相似文献   

13.
中国公证制度的完善   总被引:23,自引:0,他引:23       下载免费PDF全文
世界两大公证体系的差别 ,实质上是不同国家对于公证制度功能预期的差异。学习、借鉴国外的经验 ,必须从我国的政治、经济社会制度和公证制度的现实基础出发 ,革除现行以大陆法系的独立、专职的强势公证组织形式与英美法系的弱势公证职能相搭配的体制弊端 ,通过公证立法 ,强化公证职能与法律效力 ,以实现其与强势公证组织形式的内在机制平衡和功能协调 ,赋予并完善我国公证制度在经济与社会生活中的适度干预功能。  相似文献   

14.
国家与社会:法哲学研究范式的批判与重建   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18       下载免费PDF全文
本文在分析了近代市民社会与政治国家的三种典型的理论范式的基础上 ,理性分析了近代市民社会与政治国家相互分离和二元对立的关系范式的社会机理 ,探讨了这一近代法哲学分析范式在当代中国的适用性问题 ,并从我国社会主义市场经济的特点出发 ,提出应当重建市民社会与政治国家的分析范式 ,建立我国国家与社会之间的互动机制 ,并将这种互动机制作为法治生成的真正的社会基础 ,实现我国市民社会的相对独立和自治、国家权力的科学配置和监控、国家与社会关系之法治整合。  相似文献   

15.
The emergence of regional parliamentary assemblies (RPAs) in Africa has been on the ascendancy since the mid-twentieth century. The essence of these parliaments is to contribute to regional economic and political integration through oversight, legislation and representation. However, the ability of Africa's RPAs to perform these functions has been challenged by institutional and legal factors. Using five regional parliaments (the East African Legislative Assembly, the Economic Community of West African States Parliament, the Inter-Parliamentary Union of Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the Pan-African Parliament and the South African Development Community Parliamentary Forum) as case studies, this paper examines the impact of these challenges on the functionality and viability of Africa's RPAs. It finds that given that these parliaments lack legitimacy of authority and enabling status of operation, they exist merely as deliberative, consultative and advisory bodies rather than independent organs of regional economic communities with full legislative and oversight powers. Consequently, the paper recommends, among other things, the amendment of their constitutive acts to grant them full legislative and oversight functions, and the election of their members by universal adult suffrage in order to give them legitimacy of authority.  相似文献   

16.
The research discussed in this paper examines the ways that an elite group of law firms in Australia are contributing to the globalisation of business and restructuring of legal services work. We examine the distinctive commercial orientation and institutional corporate connections of this group, focusing exclusively on the continuities, breaks and reconversions of the Australian legal profession. Our findings reveal an institutionalised reproduction of strategic practice favouring the elite group of players that generally complies with the political, economic and symbolic power currently wielded by US and UK firms. The data specifically on the recent phase of internationalisation of legal services show Australian lawyers to be of lower status when compared to elite US and European law firms. Using a Bourdieuian method of analysis we explore the extent to which these Australian lawyers' strategic accounts show the potentially coercive and mimetic influence of the economic and symbolic capitals of dominant groups. We apply Sklair's global system theory as a means of interpreting Australian law firms' collective strategic intent, which at the time of this research is to develop a global competitive presence in markets in the Asia Pacific region.  相似文献   

17.
This paper reviews four legal policies in abortion from a critical theory of law perspective. Since the Comstock era, abortion policy has undergone radical shifts from criminalization in the last quarter of the nineteenth century to decriminalization in the late 1960s, followed by legalization and medical control over the last decade. Yet, until recently, little scholarly attention has been given to the social and political implications of these various policy shifts (almost all studies focus on the current legal phase only) often in isolation from other social and political realities. In this paper we draw on historical, demographic, participant-observation, interview, and documentary and legal materials to analyze the transformations of legal control structures in abortion. This shows both the creation of abortion law, which is imbedded in structures of sexual domination, and the contradictions in abortion law, which express antagonisms in civil society as well as promote alliances within ruling groups. The abortion case further clarifies the failure of legality to transcend existing gender inequalities, thereby contributing to further erosion of welfare rights for poor women and their children.  相似文献   

18.
This article is a critique of two reports of “independent legal experts” sponsored by the International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW); the “Paris Panel” and the “London Panel.” The article shows that the Paris Panel's conclusion that Japan's research whaling in the Antarctic is unlawful and an abuse of rights under the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW) is based on misuse of evidence and failure to properly interpret Article VIII of the Convention and the legal status of recommendatory non-binding resolutions. It also shows that the London Panel's conclusion that the import of humpback whales from Japan's research program in the Antarctic and sei whales from its research program in the North Pacific are a violation of trade rules under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora is based on incorrect interpretation of that Convention's trade rules. It is concluded that the two independent legal experts panel reports are, from a legal perspective, seriously flawed, rendering their conclusions invalid and relegating the reports to the status of IFAW propaganda.  相似文献   

19.
Despite the growing literature on legal mobilization under authoritarianism, the variations of legal mobilization in authoritarian regimes have been less studied. Drawing on a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis of 175 environmental public interest litigations from 2009 to 2019, as well as in-depth interviews with environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) representatives, this is the first article to present how organizational, political, legal, and social forces (which are demonstrated by six conditions: capacity, political embeddedness, political endorsement, access, legal stock, and alliance) combine to explain the variations of NGOs' environmental legal mobilization through the use of strategic and nonstrategic litigation in authoritarian China. Although the state's policy to pluralize regulatory actors to improve environmental governance has set up a relatively friendly institutional backdrop for environmental legal mobilization, this study finds that political forces such as the relationship between NGOs and the state and the ambivalent attitudes towards environmental protection between central and local government have significantly influenced the behavioral patterns of NGOs' legal mobilization. Moreover, this study uncovers four types of legal mobilization of Chinese environmental NGOs: allied mobilization, progressive mobilization, steered mobilization, and symbolic mobilization. This study enriches the understanding of the behavioral patterns of nonstate actors in legal mobilization in authoritarian regimes and beyond.  相似文献   

20.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(4):593-617
Criminological research has traditionally attempted to explain the etiological factors of crime and then suggest appropriate controls. More often than not, the foci of this kind of work have remained on “street crime.” Since the 1990s, however, some scholars have turned their attention to the causal factors of corporate crime, state crime, crimes of globalization, supranational crimes, and their various permutations and interconnections. Clearly missing from this literature is the growing phenomenon of private military contractors (PMCs) and the crimogenic culture of and atmosphere within which they operate. Specifically, while the use of PMCs is rapidly growing, the increasing propensity for PMC's crimogenic culture and the unregulated nature of what has become a global industry is rarely studied by social scientists. Further, few criminologists have examined this area of research by applying criminological theory to explain the growth and emergence of PMCs. Our goal is to help fill this gap. Through the process of theory building and refinement we identify factors that facilitate the criminogenic environment within which PMCs operate. Additionally, without attempting to expand explanatory and causal mechanisms, policies aimed at reducing PMC criminality and social justice for their victims cannot be developed. As such, we draw from theoretical developments in state and state‐corporate crime, social disorganization, and anomie literature to shed light on key factors associated with PMCs, namely, the crimogenic atmosphere within which they operate.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号